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 On the Revolutionary "Three-in-One" Combination

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On the Revolutionary "Three-in-One" Combination

   Chairman Mao has pointed out that in those places and organisations where power needs to be seized, the policy of the revolutionary "three-in-one" combination must be carried out in establishing a provisional organ of power that is revolutionary and representative and has proletarian authority. This organ of power should preferably be called a revolutionary committee.
   This policy is the political and organisational guarantee for the victory of the proletarian revolutionaries in their struggle to seize power. The proletarian revolutionaries should understand this policy correctly and implement it correctly.
   The revolutionary "three-in-one" provisional organ of power should be formed by leaders of revolutionary mass organisations that truly represent the broad masses, the representatives of the People's Liberation Army units stationed in the area and revolutionary leading cadres. None of these three bodies can be excluded. It is wrong to overlook or underestimate the role of any one of them.
   As a result of the vigorous mass movement of the great proletarian cultural revolution during the past half year and more, the masses have been fully mobilised, and large numbers of up-and-coming representatives of the revolutionary masses have emerged. The revolutionary masses are the base of the proletarian revolutionaries' seizure of power from the handful of persons in the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road. They are the base of the revolutionary "three-in-one" provisional organ of power.
   True proletarian revolutionaries and up-and-coming representatives of the revolutionary masses have performed immortal exploits in the great proletarian cultural revolution. They are the new rising forces nurtured by Mao Tse-tung's thought and they embody the general orientation of the revolution.
   This struggle to seize power from the handful of persons in the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road is a mass movement from below under the leadership of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party headed by Chairman Mao. In the revolutionary "three-in-one" provisional organ of power, it is imperative to give full play to the role of leaders of the revolutionary mass organisations and to take full account of their opinions, and never regard them simply as secondary, because they are representatives of the broad revolutionary masses.   If their role is not recognised or if it is underrated, in effect, the revolutionary masses as well as the great proletarian cultural revolution are negated. If they are excluded or regarded as secondary, it is impossible to establish a provisional organ of power that is revolutionary, representative and has proletarian authority; it is impossible to have a revolutionary "three-in-one" combination.
   In all great revolutionary mass movements, it is scarcely avoidable having shortcomings and making mistakes. It is necessary to see clearly the essence, the mainstream and the general orientation of the revolution. In this great proletarian cultural revolution, the shortcomings and errors of the leaders of revolutionary mass organisations who truly represent the masses are a question of one finger among ten, and a problem that arises in the course of progress. As proletarian revolutionaries, we should recognize that their general orientation is correct, that they have many strong points and we should learn from them modestly. As for their shortcomings and errors, we should warm-heartedly, patiently and painstakingly help them. It should also be noted that many revolutionary mass organisations have pointed out themselves the wrong tendencies existing in their own organisations and have proposed ways of correcting them as a result of their creative study and application of Chairman Mao's works. Such revolutionary consciousness and initiative is praise-worthy. It is precisely the revolutionary masses themselves who have proposed eliminating self-interest in their own thinking while seizing power from the handful of persons in the Party who were in authority and taking the capitalist road.
   In the final analysis, the question of one's attitude towards leaders of revolutionary mass organisations that truly represent the masses taking part in the "three-in-one" provisional organ of power is a question of one's attitude towards the masses, towards the mass movement itself. It is also an important indication of whether the proletarian revolutionary line represented by Chairman Mao can be carried out or not. We must at all times remember Chairman Mao's teachings: "The masses are the real heroes," "the masses have boundless creative power," "the people, and the people alone, are the motive force in the making of world history." If alienated from the revolutionary masses, it is certain that no organisation or individual is able to carry out the proletarian revolutionary line represented by Chairman Mao.
   The vigorous mass movement of the great proletarian cultural revolution of more than the last half year has been a severe test for the ranks of our cadres. The handful of persons in the Party who were in authority and taking the capitalist road has been exposed. At the same time, the majority of our cadres have proved to be good or comparatively good. The concept of excluding and overthrowing all cadres is absolutely wrong. It is necessary to point out that the masses are not to be blamed for this. To exclude and overthrow all cadres indiscriminately is the view advocated by those several people who put forth the bourgeois reactionary line, and this was precisely what they did. The poisonous influence has not been wiped out of the minds of certain comrades, and therefore they have, to a certain extent, committed similar mistakes without being conscious of them.
   In every place, department, enterprise and unit there are great numbers of revolutionary cadres. This is also true even for some places or departments where those in authority taking the capitalist road have been entrenched, but the revolutionary cadres there were suppressed over a long period. We must be aware of this.
   The role of the revolutionary cadres in participating in the "three-in-one" provisional organ of power must be given full consideration. They should and can play the role of nucleus and backbone of the organ. Of course, they can do this only by integrating themselves with the masses and by following the mass line in work.
   Provided those cadres who made mistakes criticise their own mistakes and correct them, draw a clear-cut demarcation line between themselves and the handful of persons in the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road, between themselves and the bourgeois reactionary line, and really stand on the proletarian revolutionary line represented by Chairman Mao, they should be united with in accordance with the principle of "early or late, all who make revolution merit equal treatment," proper jobs should be arranged for them and many of them can be allowed to participate in the provisional organ of power.
   However, those who persist in their mistakes, and who do not draw a clear-cut demarcation line between themselves and the people in authority taking the capitalist road, between themselves and the bourgeois reactionary line must not be imposed on the masses and arbitrarily pushed into the "three-in-one" provisional organ or power. Otherwise, this would not be the revolutionary "three-in-one" combination, to say nothing of the seizure of power from the handful of persons in the party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road; a new reversal would occur and those in authority taking the capitalist road who had been overthrown might even regain power.
   We must be vigilant against those who distort the principle of revolutionary "three-in-one" combination and, on the pretext of forming "three-in-one" combination, carry out eclecticism, conciliation and the combining of two into one, and furthermore, in a hundred and one ways, pull in the persons in the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road. This is trying to fish in troubled waters, usurp the fruits of the great proletarian cultural revolution and carry out counter-revolutionary restoration. All revolutionary masses and all revolutionary cadres must resolutely resist, oppose and smash the conspiracy of the class enemy.
   The great People's Liberation Army is the mainstay of the dictatorship of the proletarian. Chairman Mao's call on the People's Liberation Army to actively support the masses of revolutionary Left is a matter of great strategic significance.
   Experience proves that participation by representatives of locally stationed People's Liberation Army units in the revolutionary "three-in-one" provisional organ of power has played an extremely important role in successfully accomplishing the task in the struggle to seize power.
   With the participation of cadres of the People's Liberation Army in the "three-in-one" provisional organ of power and with the support of the P.L.A., the forces of the local proletarian revolutionaries will become still stronger. The class enemy fears the People's Liberation Army and the revolutionary "three-in-one" combination in which P.L.A. cadres take part the most. They try by every means to manufacture rumours and fabricate stories in a vain attempt to sow dissension between the revolutionary masses and the People's Liberation Army, and to incite those among the masses who do not know the truth to direct the spearhead of their struggle against the People's Liberation Army. Such class enemy intrigues must be fully exposed and firmly smashed.
   The Chinese People's Liberation Army is an extremely revolutionised army of the proletariat, unmatched in the world. Chairman Mao Tse-tung has said: "The sole purpose of this army is to stand firmly with the Chinese people and to serve them wholeheartedly." It is precisely because of this that all revolutionary mass organisations and revolutionary masses have faith in the People's Liberation Army and warmly support the participation by representatives of the local army units in the revolutionary "three-in-one" provisional organ of power. At various levels, in those departments where power must be seized, representatives of the armed forces or of the militia should take part in forming the "three-in-one" combination. This should be done in factories and rural areas, in financial, trading, cultural and educational departments (universities, middle schools and primary schools), in Party and government organisations and in people's organisations.

Representatives of the armed forces should be sent to the county level or higher and representatives of the militia should be sent to the commune level or lower. This is very good. If representatives of the armed forces are not sufficient, their posts can be left vacant for the time being and filled in the future.
   The attitude towards the People's Liberation Army is actually the attitude towards the dictatorship of the proletariat and it is an important criterion for distinguishing whether a person is of the genuine revolutionary Left or not.
   In certain places, some comrades in the local army units may commit temporary mistakes in giving their support because of the intricate and complex conditions of the class struggle. When such problems occur, the genuine revolutionary Left should explain, with good intentions and in the proper way, the conditions and state their views to the leading members of the army units. They should absolutely not adopt an openly antagonistic attitude and still less should they direct the spearhead of their struggle against the People's Liberation Army. Otherwise, they will commit gross mistakes and do things which sadden our friends and gladden our enemies, and they will be used by the class enemy.
   The People's Liberation Army has made important contributions in supporting the proletarian revolutionaries in their struggle to seize power. All commanders and fighters must follow Chairman Mao's teachings, closely rely on the broad revolutionary masses, learn from them modestly, be their students before acting as their teachers, be good at discussing matters with them, and carry on deep-going and careful investigations among them. In doing so, they will be able to give the proletarian revolutionaries very powerful support in their struggle to seize power and bring still closer ties between the Army and the people and, on their part, the army units will get new tempering and improve in the course of the struggle.
   The "three-in-one" provisional organ of power must be revolutionary, representative and have proletarian authority. This organ of power must resolutely carry out the proletarian revolutionary line represented by Chairman Mao and firmly oppose the bourgeois reactionary line. It must not be "combining two into one" or electic. Only thus, can this organ be representative and speak for the broad revolutionary masses and revolutionary cadres. Only thus, can it have proletarian authority, exercise powerful centralised leadership on the basis of the most extensive democracy, impose effective dictatorship on the class enemy, and smash every kind of scheme for counter-revolutionary restoration on the part of the handful of persons in the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road and the ghosts and monsters in society.
   A big question now confronting the people of the whole country is whether to carry the great proletarian cultural revolution through to the end, or to abandon it half-way. All revolutionary comrades must keep a cool head and not get confused. "With power and to spare we must pursue the tottering foe and not ape Hsiang Yu the conqueror seeking idle fame." At present we should especially keep this teaching of Chairman Mao's in mine.

(Hongqi, No. 5, 1967, translated in Peking Review, No. 12, March 17, 1967. Transcribed by www.wengewang.org)
  
  
  

 
 
顶端 Posted: 2009-08-05 05:48 | [楼 主]
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论革命的“三结合”

《红旗》杂志一九六七年第五期社论

毛主席提出,在需要夺权的那些地方和单位,必须实行革命的“三结合”的方针,建立一个革命的、有代表性的、有无产阶级权威的临时权力机构。这个权力机构的名称,叫革命委员会好。

这是无产阶级革命派夺权斗争取得胜利的政治保证和组织保证。无产阶级革命派要正确地领会这个方针,正确地执行这个方针。

革命的“三结合”的临时权力机构,要由真正代表广大群众的革命群众组织的负责人、人民解放军当地驻军的代表、革命领导干部组成。三者缺一不可,忽视或者低估那一方面的作用,都是错误的。

经过半年多轰轰烈烈的无产阶级文化大革命的群众运动,充分地发动了群众,涌现出一大批新起的革命群众的代表人物。广大革命群众,是无产阶级革命派向党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派夺权的基础,是革命的“三结合”临时权力机构的基础。

真正的无产阶级革命派,新起的革命群众的代表人物,为无产阶级文化大革命立下了不朽的功勋。他们是毛泽东思想哺育起来的新生力量,他们体现了革命的大方向。

这一次向党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派的夺权斗争,是以毛主席为首的党中央领导的自下而上的群众运动。在革命的“三结合”的临时权力机构中,必须充分发挥革命群众组织负责人的作用,必须重视他们的意见,而绝不能把他们当做陪衬,因为他们是广大革命群众的代表。如果不承认或贬低他们的作用,那就是否定革命群众,否定无产阶级文化大革命。如果排斥他们,把他们当做陪衬,那就不可能建立一个革命的、有代表性的、有无产阶级权威的临时权力机构,那就不可能是革命的 “三结合”。

在一切大革命群众运动中,出现一些缺点和错误,是难免的。必须看清本质和主流,看清革命的大方向。在这次无产阶级文化大革命中,真正代表广大群众的革命群众组织负责人的缺点和错误,是十个指头中的一个指头的问题,是前进中的问题。作为一个无产阶级革命家,应该看到他们的大方向是正确的,看到他们有许多长处,虚心地向他们学习,对于他们的缺点和错误,则应该满腔热情地、耐心地、循循善诱地帮助他们。还应该看到,许多革命群众组织自己活学活用毛主席著作,提出了自己组织中存在的错误倾向和纠正的方法。这是一种可贵的革命的自觉性和创造性。在向党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派夺权的同时,夺自己头脑中“私”字的权,正是革命群众自己提出来的。

归根结底,对待真正代表广大群众的革命群众组织负责人参加“三结合”的临时权力机构的态度问题,就是对待群众、对待群众运动的态度问题,也是能不能执行以毛主席为代表的无产阶级革命路线的一个重要标志。我们必须时时刻刻记住毛主席的教导:“群众是真正的英雄”,“人民群众有无限的创造力”,“人民,只有人民,才是创造世界历史的动力”。任何组织和个人脱离了广大革命群众,那就一定不能贯彻执行以毛主席为代表的无产阶级革命路线。

半年多来的轰轰烈烈的无产阶级文化大革命群众运动,严峻地考验了我们的干部队伍。党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派被揭露出来了。同时,证明了我们的大多数干部是好的和比较好的。那种对干部一概排斥、一概打倒的观点,是完全错误的。需要指出,这不能责怪群众。对干部不分青红皂白,一概排斥、一概打倒,这是提出资产阶级反动路线的那几个人的主张,他们就是这样干的。这种余毒在某些同志的头脑里没有肃清,因而也不自觉地在一定程度上犯过这种错误。
各个地方,各个部门,各个企业事业单位,都有大批的革命干部。就是在被走资本主义道路当权派所盘据的一些地方和一些部门,也是这样,不过那里的革命干部长期受到压抑罢了。我们必须看到这一点。

革命干部参加“三结合”的临时权力机构的作用,必须充分估计。他们应该而且可能在这个机构中起核心作用和骨干作用。当然,只有和群众相结合,在工作中走群众路线,才能起到这种作用。

犯有错误的干部,只要检讨错误,改正错误,同党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派划清界限,同资产阶级反动路线划清界限,真正站到以毛主席为代表的无产阶级革命路线一边,就应该按照革命不分先后的原则,团结他们,安排他们适当的工作,其中许多人还可以参加临时权力机构。

但是,不能把坚持错误、不同走资本主义道路当权派划清界限、不同资产阶级反动路线划清界限的人,强加在群众头上,硬拉到“三结合”的权力机构中来。否则,那就不是革命的

“三结合”,那就根本谈不到向党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派夺权,那就会出现新的反复,甚至使被打倒的走资本主义道路当权派重新上台。

我们必须警惕,有人歪曲革命的“三结合”的方针,借口
“三结合”,搞折中主义,调和主义,合二而一,甚至千方百计地把党内走资本主义道路当权派拉进来。这就是要混水摸鱼,要篡夺无产阶级文化大革命的果实,要实行反革命复辟。一切革命群众,一切革命干部,都必须坚决抵制,坚决反对,坚决粉碎阶级敌人的这种阴谋。

伟大的人民解放军,是无产阶级专政的柱石。毛主席号召人民解放军要积极支持广大的革命左派群众,具有伟大的战略意义。

经验证明,在革命的“三结合”的临时权力机构中,有人民解放军当地驻军的代表参加,对于胜利完成夺权斗争的任务,起了非常重大的作用。

有了人民解放军干部参加的“三结合”的临时权力机构,有了人民解放军的支援,地方上的无产阶级革命派,力量就更大了。阶级敌人最害怕人民解放军,最害怕有军队干部参加的革命的“三结合”。他们费尽心机制造流言蜚语,捏造事实,妄图挑拨革命群众同人民解放军的关系,煽动一些不明真相的群众,把斗争的矛头指向人民解放军。对于阶级敌人的这种阴谋,必须给以充分揭露和坚决的打击。

中国人民解放军,是举世无双的非常革命化的无产阶级的军队。毛主席说,“紧紧地和中国人民站在一起,全心全意地为中国人民服务,就是这个军队的唯一的宗旨。”正因为这样,一切革命的群众组织和革命群众,都信赖人民解放军,都热烈拥护当地驻军的代表参加革命“三结合”的临时权力机构。从上至下,凡要夺权的单位,都要有军队代表或民兵代表参加,组成“三结合”。不论工厂、农村、财贸、文教(大、中、小学)、党政机关及民众团体都要这样做。县以上都派军队代表,公社以下都派民兵代表,这是非常之好的。军队代表不足,可以暂缺,将来再派。

对于人民解放军的态度,就是对于无产阶级专政的态度,也是区别是不是真正的革命左派的一个重要标志。

在某些地方,由于阶级斗争的情况错综复杂,当地部队的某些同志,也可能在支援工作中,犯暂时的错误。当出现这种问题的时候,真正的革命左派应该善意地采取适当的方式,向部队负责同志说明情况,提出意见,而绝不应该采取公开对抗的态度,更不能把斗争的矛头指向人民解放军。否则,就会犯绝大的错误,做出亲者痛、仇者快的事情,为阶级敌人所利用。

人民解放军在支援无产阶级革命派的夺权斗争中,已经做出了重要贡献。全体指战员要遵照毛主席的教导,紧紧地依靠广大革命群众,虚心向革命群众学习,先当群众的学生,后当群众的先生,善于同群众商量问题,深入细致地进行调查研究。这样做,就能非常有力地支援无产阶级革命派的夺权斗争,就能进一步密切军民关系,部队本身也就能在斗争中得到新的锻炼和提高。

“三结合”的临时权力机构,必须是革命的,有代表性的,有无产阶级权威的。这个权力机构,必须坚决贯彻以毛主席为代表的无产阶级革命路线,坚决反对资产阶级反动路线,而不能是合二而一的、折中主义的。只有这样,它才能有代表性,才能代表广大革命群众和广大革命干部。只有这样,它才能是有无产阶级权威的,才能在最广泛的民主基础上实行强有力的集中领导,才能对阶级敌人实行强有力的专政,粉碎党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派和社会上牛鬼蛇神的各种形式的反革命复辟的阴谋。

现在摆在全国人民面前的一个大问题,就是要把无产阶级文化大革命进行到底,还是半途而废。一切革命的同志,都必须保持清醒的头脑,切切不可糊涂起来。“宜将剩勇追穷寇,不可沽名学霸王。”在当前,我们要特别记住毛主席的这个教导。


1967-03-10 《人民日报》
  
  
  

 
 
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