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 Proletarian Revolutionaries, Unite!

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Proletarian Revolutionaries, Unite!

Hongqi Commentator

"The golden monkey wrathfully swung his massive cudgel, And the jade-like firmament was cleared of dust."

   Guided by the proletarian revolutionary line represented by Chairman Mao Tse-tung, the glorious Shanghai working class has formed a million-strong mighty army of revolutionary rebels. Uniting with other revolutionary organisations, they have been meeting head-on the new counter-attacks by the bourgeois reactionary line, seizing power from the handful of people within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road, and establishing the new order of the great proletarian cultural revolution. With a power as irresistible as that of a sharp knife splitting bamboo, they are pressing forward in triumphant pursuit, sweeping away rubbish that impedes the advance of the wheel of history.
   This revolutionary action of the working class and other revolutionary masses and revolutionary cadres in Shanghai marks a new turning point in our country's great proletarian cultural revolution and the beginning of a new stage in it.   This is a great new victory for Mao Tse-tung's thought.
   The revolutionary principle adopted, and the revolutionary actions taken, by the working class and other revolutionary masses and revolutionary cadres in Shanghai have set an example for the whole country and provided invaluable new experience for the great proletarian cultural revolution.
   Their experience is many-sided. The focal point is that proletarian revolutionaries have united to seize power from the handful of people within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road, thus taking the political, economic and cultural power of the Shanghai municipality firmly into their own hands.
   Marxism-Leninism, Mao Tse-tung's thought, teaches us that the basic question of a revolution is that of political power. The central task of the great proletarian cultural revolution, in the last analysis, is the struggle by which the proletariat seizes power from the handful of people within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road. This is the focal point of the class struggle in our country at the present stage, a concentrated expression of the struggle between the socialist road and the capitalist road.
   On June 1, 1966, our great leader Chairman Mao himself made the decision to broadcast the text of a big-character poster from Peking University, the first Marxist-Leninist poster in the country. This was in support of the struggle of the proletarian revolutionaries of Peking University to seize power from the Lu Ping anti-Party clique in the university. It was a great strategic move which kindled the flames of the great proletarian cultural revolution now raging throughout the country.
   Now our great leader Chairman Mao himself has decided to broadcast the "Message to All Shanghai People" and the "Urgent Notice" issued by Shanghai's revolutionary mass organisations. This is in support of the struggle of the working class and other revolutionary masses and revolutionary cadres in Shanghai who united to seize power in the municipality from the handful of people within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road and the extremely small number of diehards who persistently pursue the bourgeois reactionary line. It is yet another great strategic measure taken in the new situation, one which will stimulate a new leap in the great proletarian cultural revolution throughout the country.
   Those within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road are just a handful, but in varying degrees they still hold Party, political and financial power in the localities and units where they are entrenched. They always used the power in their hands to attack the masses and undermine the great proletarian cultural revolution.
   How do this handful of people use their power to undermine the great proletarian cultural revolution?
   They use the Party power in their hands to deceive, hoodwink and repress a number of cadres and Party and Youth League members. They attempt to break down our Party's extremely strict proletarian discipline which is based on Mao Tse-tung's thought, that discipline which is essential for the proletariat to defeat the bourgeoisie. They distort our Party's discipline into bourgeois discipline, into "discipline" to oppose the Party, socialism and Mao Tse-tung's thought, into "discipline" to resist the proletarian revolutionary line represented by Chairman Mao, turning it into an inhibiting magic phrase to repress the masses and oppose the revolution. They stigmatise whoever opposes them as an "anti-Party" element.
   Making use of that portion of political power they exercise in those departments and localities under their control, this handful of persons have practised bourgeois dictatorship to suppress the revolutionary masses wherever they can. They want to brand as a "counter-revolutionary" anyone who rises up and rebels against them and even dismiss or imprison him. They have incited the masses to struggle each other. They have used the slogan "Defend the proletarian dictatorship!" in a distorted way to deceive certain people into establishing under their control such organisations as "the army of defenders of red state power" to protect themselves.
   This handful of persons have used the financial power in their hands to get certain befuddled people to protect them. They have used money to buy over people so as to corrupt the revolutionary masses. They have made- use of economic measures of all kinds in an attempt to lead some people on to the evil road of economism, of pursuing purely immediate individual interests. They have wanted not only to restore but even to extend some erroneous measures adopted in the past in regard to wage and welfare systems. They have issued cheques and materials freely, in an effort to win the hearts of the people by liberally giving away what belongs to the state. In doing so, they have attempted to sabotage production, finances and communications and transport. They have with ill intentions "submitted the contradictions to their superiors." This is the current manifestation of the death-bed struggle of the handful of those within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road. It represents a counter-attack in a new form by the bourgeois reactionary line at the present time.
   These people have protected this or that old thing of capitalism and revisionism; in the final analysis, they have been protecting their own power. In the face of the pressure from the revolutionary masses, they may make this or that false "concession." But they do all this in an attempt to hit hard at our dictatorship of the proletariat and preserve their power to suppress the masses. On the question of power, they struggle for every bit of it and never make any concession. They have attempted to take all kinds of measures and schemed to disrupt our socialist national economic life so as to achieve their goal of preserving their own power.
The most fundamental thing in our struggle against this handful of persons is to wrest power from them. Only by seizing their power and exercising dictatorship over them can they be completely refuted, overthrown and utterly discredited.
   Chairman Mao teaches us that to wrest power from these persons means the revolution of one class to overthrow another class in the conditions of the dictatorship of the proletariat, i.e., a revolution of the proletariat to liquidate the bourgeoisie.
   The struggle between the proletarian revolutionaries and the handful of people within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road is acute, complicated and tortuous. The strongholds in which the counter-revolutionary revisionists are entrenched must be seized, one by one. The positions recovered by the proletariat have yet to be consolidated, one by one.
   We must heighten our vigilance against these cunning enemies. Hypocritically, they have raised the flag of "revolution" to wrest power from the proletariat. They are accustomed to fabricating rumours, sowing discord, transposing black and white, confusing right and wrong, and inciting the masses to shift the target of struggle and point the spearhead of attack at revolutionaries, the dictatorship of the proletariat and the revolutionary headquarters of the proletariat. All revolutionary comrades must follow Chairman Mao's teachings, keep their eyes open, and distinguish between the enemy and ourselves, and between right and wrong on vital questions. Those bad elements who behind our backs stir up the winds of evil and point the spearhead against the dictatorship of the proletariat and the proletarian revolutionary headquarters must be firmly exposed and overthrown, one by one.
   The great contribution of the Shanghai working class and other revolutionary masses and revolutionary cadres is that they firmly stand on the side of the proletarian revolutionary line represented by Chairman Mao, fearlessly launched an extensive counter-attack against the new counter-offensive of the bourgeois reactionary line, and gained experience in seizing power from the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road, under the conditions of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and that they have advanced correct principles and policies, correct forms of organisation and correct methods of struggle.
   These are the most essential' things worth studying by Party, government, army and civilian circles, by workers, peasants revolutionary students, revolutionary intellectuals, and revolutionary cadres throughout the country.
   The great revolution in Shanghai is an embodiment of the leading role and the initiative of the working.class, their sense of revolutionary organisation and discipline, and it has developed extensive democracy under the dictatorship of the proletariat.
   Shanghai's experience proves that only by seizing power from the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road, and strengthening the dictatorship of the proletariat can extensive proletarian democracy be ensured.
   Shanghai's experience proves that extensive democracy under the dictatorship of the proletariat is absolutely not ultra-democracy nor "small group" mentality [considering only the interests of a small group and ignoring the overall interest - Ed.]. Only by giving effect to democratic centralism and the great unity of proletarian revolutionaries under the banner of Mao Tse-tung's thought can there be extensive democracy under the dictatorship of the proletariat, can excellent battles be fought with concentrated forces and can new revolutionary order be established.
   Shanghai's experience proves that the principle of "grasping the revolution and promoting production" advanced by the Party Central Committee represented by Chairman Mao must be firmly grasped, that resolute and uncompromising struggles must be waged against all sorts of bourgeois revisionist economism, anarchism, liberalisation, etc., and that the general orientation of socialism must be maintained and socialist ownership must be upheld; only this can be called extensive democracy under the dictatorship of the proletariat.
   The purpose of Shanghai's revolutionary masses in practising extensive democracy under the dictatorship of the proletariat is very clear. It is to arouse the masses to topple the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road, and the ghosts and monsters in society, and uphold and develop the politics, economy and culture of socialism. . .
   Our dictatorship of the proletariat is strong and firm. We have the powerful People's Liberation Army which is infinitely loyal to Chairman Mao, loyal to the people. We have hundreds of millions of people armed with Mao Tse-tung's thought. This is the greatest strength and is capable of vanquishing any enemy. . .
   Proletarian revolutionaries, unite and rally with the broad masses, and, led by the great supreme commander Chairman Mao, carry on an all-round class struggle throughout the country!
   Resolutely carry out the principle of "grasping the revolution and promoting production" advanced by Chairman Mao!
Crush the latest counter-attacks of the bourgeois reactionary line! Crush bourgeois economism!
  Resolutely seize power from the handful of people within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road!
(Commentator's article in Hongqi, No. 2, 1967; translated in Peking Review, No. 4, January 20, 1967. Transcribed by www.wengewang.org)
  
  
  

 
 
顶端 Posted: 2009-08-05 04:54 | [楼 主]
先烈血劳工泪
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无产阶级革命派联合起来

《红旗》杂志评论员

“金猴奋起千钧棒,玉宇澄清万里埃。”

光荣的上海工人阶级,在以毛主席为代表的无产阶级革命路线指引下,组成了百万革命造反大军。他们联合其他革命组织,迎头痛击资产阶级反动路线的新反扑,从党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派的手中夺了权,建立起无产阶级文化大革命的新秩序。势如破竹,锐不可挡,他们正在乘胜追击,扫荡抗拒历史车轮前进的垃圾。
上海工人阶级、其他革命群众和革命干部的这一革命行动,标志着我国无产阶级文化大革命到达了一个新的转折点,标志着我国的无产阶级文化大革命开始了一个新阶段。这是毛泽东思想的新的伟大胜利。

上海工人阶级、其他革命群众和革命干部提出的革命方针和采取的革命行动,给全国树立了榜样,为无产阶级文化大革命提供了极其宝贵的新经验。

他们的经验是多方面的。这些经验集中到一点,就是,无产阶级革命派联合起来,向党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派夺权,把上海市的政治、经济、文化的大权,牢牢地掌握在自己的手里。

马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想教导我们,革命的根本问题是政权问题。无产阶级文化大革命的中心任务,归根结底,就是无产阶级从党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派手中夺权的斗争。这是现阶段我国阶级斗争的焦点,是社会主义和资本主义两条道路斗争的集中表现。

一九六六年六月一日,我们伟大领袖毛主席亲自决定广播北京大学的全国第一张马列主义大字报,就是支持北京大学的无产阶级革命派,在一个大学的范围内,从陆平反党集团手里夺权的斗争。这是一个伟大的战略措施,这个措施在全国范围内点燃了无产阶级文化大革命的熊熊烈火。  现在,我们伟大领袖毛主席亲自决定广播上海市各革命群众组织发表的《告上海全市人民书》和《紧急通告》,支持上海工人阶级同其他革命群众、革命干部联合起来,在一个市的范围内,从党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派和极少数坚持资产阶级反动路线的顽固分子手里夺权的斗争。这是在新形势下所采取的又一个伟大的战略措施,这个措施将推动全国的无产阶级文化大革命来一个新的飞跃。
党内走资本主义道路的当权派,只是一小撮人,但是,在他们盘踞的地方和单位,他们还在不同程度上掌握着党权、政权、财权。他们总是利用掌握在他们手中的这些权力,来打击群众,破坏无产阶级文化大革命。

这一小撮人怎样利用他们手中掌握的那些权力来破坏无产阶级文化大革命呢?
这一小撮人利用他们手里掌握着的党权,来欺骗、蒙蔽、压制一批干部和党团员。他们企图瓦解我们党用毛泽东思想武装起来的极严格的无产阶级纪律,企图涣散无产阶级为战胜资产阶级所必需的纪律。他们把我们党的纪律,歪曲为资产阶级的纪律,歪曲成反党反社会主义反毛泽东思想的“纪律”,歪曲成对抗以毛主席为代表的无产阶级革命路线的“纪律”,变成压制群众、反对革命的紧箍咒。谁要反对他们,就把谁打成“反党”分子。
这一小撮人利用他们手里掌握着的那些部门、那些地方的部分政权,在他们力所能到的范围内,实行资产阶级专政,镇压革命群众。谁要起来革他的命,就要把谁打成“反革命分子”,以至开除、监禁。他们挑动群众斗群众,歪曲地利用“保卫无产阶级专政”的口号,欺骗一些群众,组织什么“红色政权保卫军”等等御用团体,来保他们自己。
这一小撮人利用他们手里掌握着的财权,笼络一些受他们蒙蔽的群众,为他们保驾。他们还用金钱收买的手段,来腐蚀革命群众。他们用各种经济手段,企图把一些群众引向单纯追求个人暂时利益的经济主义的邪路。他们不但要恢复而且要扩大过去关于工资、福利制度中的一些错误措施。他们乱开支票,乱发物资,慷国家之慨,收买人心,妄图破坏生产,破坏财政金融,破坏交通运输。他们恶意地把“矛盾上交”。这是当前党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派,进行垂死挣扎的表现。这是当前资产阶级反动路线进行反扑的新形式。
党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派,对于资本主义和修正主义的旧东西,这也保,那也保,归根到底,就是保住他们自己的权力。在革命群众的压力面前,他们可以做这样一些假“让步”,也可以做那样一些假“让步”,但是,他们所做这样一些或那样一些的“让步”,都是企图打击我们的无产阶级专政,保持他们压制群众的权力。他们在权力问题上,是寸权必争,绝不让步的。他们企图采用各种手段,阴谋扰乱我们社会主义的国民经济生活,以达到他们保持自己权力的目的。
我们同党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派的斗争,最根本的,就是夺他们的权。只有夺了他们的权,对他们实行专政,才能把他们斗倒,斗臭,斗垮。
毛主席教导我们,从党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派手里夺权,是在无产阶级专政条件下,一个阶级推翻一个阶级的革命,即无产阶级消灭资产阶级的革命。
无产阶级革命派同党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派的斗争是尖锐的、复杂的、曲折的。被反革命修正主义分子盘踞的堡垒,要一个一个地夺取。无产阶级夺回来的阵地,也还要一个一个地去巩固。
我们对于狡猾的敌人,必须提高警惕。他们也虚伪地打着“革命”旗号,向无产阶级夺权。他们惯于制造谣言,挑拨离间,颠倒黑白,混淆是非,煽动群众,转移斗争目标,把攻击的矛头,指向革命派,指向无产阶级专政,指向无产阶级的革命司令部。一切革命同志,都要遵循毛主席的教导,擦亮眼睛,分清敌我,辨明大是大非。要坚决把那些在背后煽阴风、点邪火,矛头指向无产阶级专政、指向无产阶级革命司令部的家伙,一个个地揭露出来,把他们打倒。
上海工人阶级和其他革命群众、革命干部的伟大贡献,就是他们坚定地站在以毛主席为代表的无产阶级革命路线一边,无所畏惧地向资产阶级反动路线的新反扑举行大反击,创造了在无产阶级专政条件下,从党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派手里夺权的经验,他们提供了正确的方针、政策、组织形式和斗争方法。
这正是值得全国党、政、军、民各界学习,值得全国工人、农民、革命学生、革命知识分子、革命干部学习的最主要的东西。
上海的大革命,体现了工人阶级的领导作用和首创精神,体现了工人阶级的革命的组织性和纪律性,发展了无产阶级专政下的大民主。
上海的经验证明,只有把党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派手中的权夺过来,加强无产阶级专政,才能保障无产阶级的大民主。
 上海的经验证明,无产阶级专政下的大民主,绝不是极端民主化,绝不是小团体主义。只有在毛泽东思想的旗帜下,实行民主集中制,实行无产阶级革命派的大联合,才能实现无产阶级专政下的大民主,才能集中力量打漂亮仗,才能建立革命的新秩序。
上海的经验证明,必须紧紧把握以毛主席为代表的党中央的“抓革命,促生产”的方针,必须向形形色色的资产阶级的修正主义的经济主义、无政府主义、自由化等等,进行坚定的、不调和的斗争,坚持社会主义的大方向,维护社会主义的所有制,这才是无产阶级专政下的大民主。
上海革命群众实行无产阶级专政下的大民主,目的是很鲜明的。这就是发动广大群众打垮党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派和社会上的牛鬼蛇神,维护和发展社会主义的政治、经济和文化事业。
中共中央、国务院、中央军委、中央文革小组给上海市各革命造反团体的贺电中指出:“你们实行了无产阶级革命派组织的大联合,成为团结一切革命力量的核心,把无产阶级专政的命运,把无产阶级文化大革命的命运,把社会主义经济的命运,紧紧掌握在自己的手里。”这是对上海无产阶级革命派的崇高评价,也是向全国革命人民发出的伟大号召。
资产阶级反动路线的新反扑,并不说明那一小撮反动家伙的强大,只不过是一种歇斯底里的发作。这种发作,恰好是表明他们就要垮台了。
我们的无产阶级专政是巩固的。我们有无限忠于毛主席、忠于人民的强大的人民解放军。我们有用毛泽东思想武装起来的亿万人民群众。这是足以战胜任何敌人的最伟大的力量。
我们要记住毛主席的教导,“一切过高地估计敌人力量和过低地估计人民力量的观点,都是错误的。”
在我们的面前,是一片大好形势,是一片光明。我们要看到“敌人快要消灭,自己快要胜利的实质”。我们要像上海的革命群众那样,勇敢地打退一小撮资产阶级代理人的挑战。我们要敢于斗争,善于斗争,敢于胜利,善于胜利。
无产阶级革命派联合起来,团结广大群众,在伟大统帅毛主席的领导下,展开全国全面的阶级斗争!
坚决执行毛主席提出的“抓革命,促生产”的方针!
粉碎资产阶级反动路线的新反扑!
粉碎资产阶级的经济主义!
坚决向党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派夺权!
无产阶级专政万岁!
战无不胜的毛泽东思想万岁!
(《红旗》杂志一九六七年第二期)
  
  
  

 
 
先烈之血不能白流,叛徒之罪未可轻饶!
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