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 On the Proletarian Revolutionaries' Struggle to Seize Power

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On the Proletarian Revolutionaries' Struggle to Seize Power


Source: Peking Review, No. 6, February 3, 1967
Transcribed for www.wengewang.org

A Quotation From Chairman Mao Tse-tung

     The world is ours, the country is ours and society is ours.   If we don't speak, then who will? If we don't act, then who will?

PROLETARIAN revolutionaries are uniting to seize power from the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road. This is the strategic task for the new stage of the great proletarian cultural revolution. It is the decisive battle between the proletariat and the masses of working people on the one hand and the bourgeoisie and its agents in the Party on the other.
     This mighty revolutionary storm started in Shanghai. The revolutionary masses in Shanghai have called it the great "January Revolution." Our great leader Chairman Mao immediately expressed resolute support for it. He called on the workers, peasants, revolutionary students, revolutionary intellectuals and revolutionary cadres to study the experience of the revolutionary rebels of Shanghai and he called on the People's Liberation Army actively to support and assist the proletarian revolutionaries in their struggle to seize power.
     Chairman Mao's great call received an immediate enthusiastic response from the revolutionary masses and the commanders and fighters of the Peoples Liberation Army. The proletarian revolutionaries who have formed a mighty force are capturing one citadel after another in certain places and units, where the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road have been entrenched, and are then consolidating these captured positions one by one. The storm of the "January Revolution" is now sweeping the whole country.
     The ranks of the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road have been badly battered. However, like all reactionaries, they will never be reconciled to their own extinction. And like all reactionaries, they "will never lay down their butcher knives . . . they will never become buddhas."
    
     Chairman Mao has pointed out: "Make trouble, fail, make trouble again, fail again . . . till their doom; that is the logic of the imperialists and all reactionaries the world over in dealing with the people's cause, and they will never go against this logic." This is also true of the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road. We must "cast away illusions, prepare for struggle" in accordance with Chairman Mao's teaching.
     The experience of the city of Shanghai, Shansi Province and other places tells us that in the course of the struggle to seize power, we must pay great attention to the following questions:

(l)
     When they were in power, the handful of persons within the Party who were in authority and taking the capitalist road always used their power to counter the proletarian revolutionary line represented by Chairman Mao and to suppress the revolutionary masses. When they tire stripped of power by the revolutionary masses, they still do their utmost to stage a counter seizure of power in a vain attempt to counter-attack in revenge and to recapture their lost power.
     In some places, these reactionary elements are reorganizing their reactionary ranks. They are gathering together landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, bad elements and Rightists, and collecting the dregs of society to stage counter-attacks against the proletarian revolutionaries and seize power from them.
     In some places, these reactionary elements have resorted to the method of worming their way in [to the ranks of the revolutionaries] and pulling people out [of the revolutionary ranks] in a vain attempt to split up the great alliance of the proletarian revolutionaries, and usurp the leadership of the revolutionary rebel organizations. In this way they hope to shift the general orientation of the struggle.
     In some places, these reactionary elements instigate their collaborators who still hold the leadership of a factory, a workshop, a unit, or a production brigade to sabotage production, disrupt communications and transport and destroy state and collective property, in a vain attempt to disturb the economic life of the state so as to achieve their political aim of staging a counter-seizure of power against the proletarian revolutionaries.
     Chairman Mao teaches us: "Strategically we should despise all our enemies, but tactically we should take them all seriously."    The handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road will never succeed in their schemes, which are doomed to failure. We should despise them. However, we must deal with them seriously, and must never treat them casually or lightly.
     Proletarian revolutionaries must fully understand that the struggle to seize power and counter-seize power between us and the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road is a life-and-death struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. It is a contradiction between ourselves and the enemy.
     The general orientation for proletarian revolutionaries is to form an alliance and seize power from the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road. All revolutionary comrades should take this General orientation as their starting point and adhere to it in considering and handling all matters. If not, they will embark on the wrong road and may go over to the opposite side.
     In places and organizations where the great proletarian cultural revolution has been vigorously carried out for more than half a year, the revolutionary masses have become clear as to who are the chief figures among those in the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road. In the struggle to seize power the proletarian revolutionaries must focus on their target and deal the enemy heavy blows. A strict distinction must be made between contradictions between ourselves and the enemy and those among the people. We must not treat contradictions among the people as contradictions between ourselves and the enemy and blast away indiscriminately. Otherwise, the struggle to seize power from the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road will be hindered and errors on questions of orientation will be committed and will be used by the class enemy.

(2)
     Resolutely build the great alliance of the proletarian revolutionaries and unite the broad masses. This is the most important condition for victory in the struggle to seize power from the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road.
     Now that the great proletarian cultural revolution has reached the stage of the struggle to seize power in an all-round way from the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road, it is essential for revolutionary mass organizations to forge a great alliance. Without a great alliance of proletarian revolutionaries, the struggle to seize power cannot be completed successfully; even if some power has been seized, it may be lost again.
     To form and consolidate the great alliance of proletarian revolutionaries, it is necessary to study and apply Chairman Mao's works creatively in the course of struggle, to straighten out the ranks ideologically and organizationally and strengthen the proletarian sense of organization and discipline. It is necessary to use Mao Tse-tung's thought as the weapon to correct such erroneous tendencies as departmentalism, "small group" mentality (considering the interests of a particular group rather than the overall interest), excessive decentralization, the disregard of organizational discipline, ultra-democracy, liberalism, subjectivism and individualism in people's minds and In their organizations. All of these ideas and actions that run counter to Chairman Mao's teachings and hamper the great alliance of the proletarian revolutionaries are an expression of the bourgeois world outlook, a reflection of the current acute class struggle in the revolutionary ranks. These questions fall within the category of contradictions among the people, which must be solved in line with the policy of "learning from past mistakes to avoid future ones" and "curing the sickness to save the patient" and the formula of unity-criticism-unity, all of which Chairman Mao has always advocated. Do more self-criticism, and don't attack one another. The erroneous, non-proletarian ideas and actions cited above must not be allowed to develop or they will be made use of by the class enemy. If anyone clings to these erroneous ideas and persists in taking these erroneous actions and lets them develop, the non-antagonistic contradictions can turn into antagonistic ones.
     Once the revolutionary mass organizations have seized power in a particular department, their own position alters. At this time, the bourgeois ideas and petty-bourgeois ideas in the minds of certain comrades easily come to the fore. We must be highly vigilant. We must rid ourselves of all selfish ideas and personal considerations and make a revolution to the depth of cur souls. Everything must proceed from the fundamental interests of the proletariat. We must attach the utmost importance to the interests of the whole instead ct concerning ourselves with personal prestige and position. We must firmly respond to Chairman Mao's call to "practise economy in carrying out revolution" and not show off, spend money without measure and waste state property. We must not fall victim to the "sugar-coated bullets" of the bourgeoisie.
     Revolutionary mass organizations which have seized power and the leaders of these organizations should adopt the principle of unity towards the masses and the mass Organizations holding different views. They should win over the majority instead of excluding the majority. This helps to isolate to the maximum the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road and deal them blows, and it helps to establish the new proletarian revolutionary order.
     Everyone, in the course of the struggle to seize power and after coming to power, has to undergo new tests. We hope that the revolutionary path-breakers who come to the fore during the movement will always be loyal to the proletariat, to Chairman Mao, and to the proletarian revolutionary line represented by Chairman Mao, and that they will become politically mature in the course of time rather than be like those who just flash across the stage of history. The only way one can live up to this hope is to study Mao Tse-tung’s thought conscientiously, to integrate oneself with the masses of workers and peasants and to make serious efforts to remould one's own non-proletarian world outlook.  There is no other way.

(3)
     Adequate attention must be paid to the role of revolutionary cadres in the struggle to seize power. Leading cadres who have firmly adhered to the proletarian revolutionary line are the treasure of the Party. They can become the backbone of the struggle to seize power and can become leaders in this struggle.
     Such leading comrades have, for quite a long time in the past, waged struggles within the Party against the handful of people in authority taking the capitalist road. They have now stepped out before the masses and have proclaimed to the masses that they stand on the side of the proletarian revolutionaries and will integrate themselves with the revolutionary masses and fight together with them. The workers, peasants, revolutionary students and revolutionary intellectuals should trust them. A clear distinction must be drawn between those in authority who belong to the proletariat and those who belong to the bourgeoisie, between those who support and carry out the proletarian revolutionary line and those who support and carry out the bourgeois reactionary line. To regard all persons in authority as untrustworthy is wrong. To oppose, exclude and overthrow all indiscriminately runs counter to the class viewpoint of Marxism-Leninism, Mao Tse-tung's thought.
     When the revolutionary leading cadres rise up to join the masses in seizing power from the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road, the revolutionary mass organizations should support them. It must be recognized that they are more experienced in struggle, they are more mature politically and they have greater organizational skill. The seizure and retention of power will be helped immeasurably by their inclusion in the core of leadership.
     Cadres who have made errors should be treated correctly and should not be overthrown indiscriminately. All those who are not anti-Party, anti-socialist elements, and do not persist in their errors or refuse to correct them after repeated education, should be allowed to correct their errors and be encouraged to make amends for their crimes by good deeds. To learn from past mistakes to avoid future ones and to cure the sickness to save the patient is a long-standing policy of the Party. Only thus can those who commit errors submit willingly; and only in this way can the proletarian revolutionaries get hearty support from the great majority of the people and remain invincible. Otherwise, there is great danger.
     The overwhelming majority of the ordinary cadres in the Party and government organizations, enterprises and undertakings are good and want to make revolution. The proletarian revolutionary rebels among them are the vital force for seizing power in these organizations. This is the point which must not be neglected.
     Cadres at all levels have to undergo the test of the great proletarian cultural revolution and make new contributions to the revolution. They should not rest on their past achievements, think that they are so wonderful and lightly regard the young revolutionary fighters who have now come to the fore. The following concepts are completely wrong and must be corrected: to see only one's own past merits but not the general orientation of the revolution today and to see only the shortcomings and mistakes of the newly emerged young revolutionary fighters, but not to recognize the fact that their general orientation in the revolution is correct.
(4)
     The current seizure of power from the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road is not effected by dismissal and reorganization from above, but from below by the mass movement called for and supported by Chairman Mao himself. Only in this way can the leading organizations of our Party and state, enterprises and undertakings, cultural organizations and schools be regenerated and the old bourgeois practices be thoroughly eradicated.
     Experience proves that in the course of the struggle for the seizure of power, it is necessary, through exchange of views and consultations among leading members of revolutionary mass organizations, leading members of local People's Liberation Army units and revolutionary leading cadres of Party and government organizations, to establish provisional organs of power to take up the responsibility of leading this struggle. These provisional organs of power must "take firm hold of the revolution and promote production," put the system of production into normal operation, direct the existing set-ups in administrative and professional work (they should be readjusted where necessary) to carry on with their tasks, and organize the revolutionary masses to supervise these set-ups. These provisional organs of power must also shoulder the task of giving unified direction in suppressing counter-revolutionary organizations and counter-revolutionaries. Such provisional organs of power must be set up; this is essential and extremely important.   Through a period of transition, the wisdom of the broad masses will be brought into full play and a completely new organizational form of political power better suited to the socialist economic base will be created.
     A number of units, where a handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road have entrenched themselves over a long period, have become rotten. There these persons have been exercising bourgeois dictatorship, not proletarian dictatorship. The Marxist principle of smashing the existing state machine must be put into practice in the struggle for the seizure of power in these units.
     In summing up the experience of the Paris Commune, Marx pointed out that the proletariat must not take over the existing bourgeois state machine but must thoroughly smash it. Practice in the international communist movement has proved this to be a great truth. Since a number of units, in which a handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road have entrenched themselves, have been turned into organs for bourgeois dictatorship, naturally we must not take them over ready-made, resort to reformism, combine two into one and effect peaceful transition. We must smash them thoroughly.
     The great mass movement to seize power from the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road has begun to create and will continue to create new organizational forms for the state organs of the proletarian dictatorship. Here, we must respect the initiative of the masses and boldly adopt the new forms, full of vitality, that emerge in the mass movement to replace the old practices of the exploiting classes and in fact to replace all old practices that do not correspond to the socialist economic base. It is absolutely impermissible to merely take over power while letting things remain the same and operating according to old rules.
     On June 1 last year, Chairman Mao described the first Marxist-Leninist big-character poster in the country, which came from Peking University, as the Manifesto of the Peking People's Commune of the sixties in the 20th century. Chairman Mao showed his wisdom and genius in predicting even then that our state organs would take on completely new forms.
     To arouse hundreds of millions of people from below to seize power from the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road, to smash the old practices and create new forms, opens up a new era in the international history of proletarian revolution and in the international history of the dictatorship of the proletariat. It will greatly enrich and develop the experience of the Paris Commune, greatly enrich and develop the experience of the Soviets, and greatly enrich and develop Marxism-Lenin-ism.

(5)
     The struggle by the proletarian revolutionaries to seize power from the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road is being carried out under the dictatorship of the proletariat. In the course of the seizure of power, the dictatorship of the proletariat must be strengthened. This is an indispensable condition for the establishment of the new proletarian revolutionary order.

   In the present stage of the decisive struggle being waged by the proletariat against the bourgeoisie and its handful of agents within the Party, the landlords and rich peasants, who persist in their reactionary stand, the bourgeois Rightists, bad elements, counter-revolutionary revisionists and the U.S.-Chiang Kai-shek special agents all emerge. These ghosts and monsters spread rumours to confuse the people, and deceive and mislead those who are not aware of the true facts into forming counterrevolutionary organizations to carry out frenzied counter-revolutionary activities.   For example, the so-called "Worker-Peasant Red Flag Army of China," "Rong Fu Jun," "United Action Committee" and a number of other organizations set up by the revisionists, which call themselves "revolutionary" but are actually royalist organizations, are reactionary organizations of this kind. The majority of the masses in these organizations have been duped and should be won over by education. However, the handful of ringleaders of these reactionary organizations have schemed and used every kind of trick to bombard the proletarian revolutionary headquarters, to seize power from the proletarian revolutionaries and raid the revolutionary mass organizations. They have stabbed the revolutionary people in the back, bought over workers and staff, halted production, interrupted communications and transport, wrecked and looted state property. They have stirred up trouble to serve their own ends and have been indulging in vain hopes of a come-back. Some of these organizations are carrying out counter-revolutionary activities on the orders of those in authority who persist in taking the capitalist road. These counter-revolutionary organizations are built on sand.  Once the masses see through them, they immediately collapse, and the handful of ringleaders are dragged out by the masses.
   It is a very good thing that all the ghosts and monsters come out into the open. This provides us with an opportunity for a good spring-cleaning to "sweep away all pests."
   We must be firm in exercising dictatorship over these counter-revolutionaries.

In his noted treatise On the People's Democratic Dictatorship, Chairman Mao says that in dealing with the reactionaries, we must "enforce dictatorship . . . suppress them, allow them only to behave themselves and not to be unruly in word or deed.  If they speak or act in an unruly way, they will be promptly stopped and punished."

"Revolutionary dictatorship and counter-revolutionary dictatorship are by nature opposite, but the former was learned from the latter.  Such learning is very important. If the revolutionary people do not matter this method of ruling over the counter-revolutionary classes, they will not be able to maintain their state power, domestic and foreign reaction will overthrow that power and restore its own rule over China and disaster will befall the revolutionary people."
  
All revolutionary comrades must firmly bear in mind these teachings of Chairman Mao. For the reactionaries, even limited democracy is not allowed, not to speak of extensive democracy, not one iota. Toward them, only dictatorship should be carried out!
   A group of ghosts and monsters have now come out to set up counter-revolutionary organizations and carry out counter-revolutionary activities. These counter-revolutionary organizations must be resolutely eliminated. Counter-revolutionaries must be dealt with in accordance with the law without hesitation.
   Chairman Mao has called on the People's Liberation Army to actively support and assist the genuine proletarian revolutionaries and to oppose the Rightists resolutely. The great People's Liberation Army created by Chairman Mao himself has heartily responded to his call. The People's Liberation Army is making new, great contributions to the cause of socialism in the great proletarian cultural revolution. This is the glorious task of the People's Liberation Army.
   In certain places, the counter-revolutionary organizations have been fully exposed. It is entirely correct that the P.L.A. units stationed there, the revolutionary masses and the public security bodies in the hands of the proletarian revolutionaries take action to suppress these counter-revolutionary organizations. The handling of the reactionary "Rong Fu Jun" in Harbin by the P.L.A. units stationed there, the revolutionary masses and the committee for taking over the municipal public security bureau has provided useful experience. Immediately after encircling the "Rong Fu Jun," they launched a political offensive which awakened those who had been hoodwinked, and turned the scene of this counterrevolutionary incident into a meeting place for accusing the counter-revolutionaries. Those who had been deceived then handed over their chieftains and the "Rong Fu Jun" quickly disintegrated. All this dealt heavy blows to the counter-revolutionaries who are extremely few in number, and won over those who were duped.
   In suppressing counter-revolutionary organizations and counter-revolutionaries, the instruments of dictatorship must work closely with the revolutionary masses. For counter-revolutionaries, this is an escape-proof net.
   All revolutionary mass organizations and all revolutionary comrades must increase their revolutionary vigilance to prevent counter-revolutionaries from sneaking in to make trouble. They must co-ordinate with the Instruments of dictatorship under a unified command to safeguard the proletarian dictatorship.
   As the War of Liberation entered the stages of a general counter-offensive against the Chiang Kai-shek reactionary clique, Chairman Mao issued a call to the whole Party, the whole army and the people of the whole country when he said: "The army advances, production increases. When our sense of discipline is strengthened, we are ever-victorious in the revolution."
 Today, when the great army of the proletarian revolution is seizing power from the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road, and is launching a general counter-offensive against the bourgeoisie and its agents in the Party, we must also take firm hold of the revolution and promote production, and strengthen our sense of discipline. In this way, we shall be also ever-victorious in the present struggle.

"But now that the cock has crowed and all under heaven is bright." Let us heartily welcome the decisive victory of the great proletarian cultural revolution!

(“Hongqi” editorial, No.3, 1967)
  
  
  

 
 
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论无产阶级革命派的夺权斗争

    
人民日报1967.01.31第1版

作者:《红旗》杂志一九六七年第三期社论


论无产阶级革命派的夺权斗争

    无产阶级革命派联合起来,向党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派手里夺权,这是无产阶级文化大革命的新阶段的战略任务,是无产阶级和广大劳动人民同资产阶级及其在党内代理人的决战。
    这个革命的大风暴是从上海开始的。上海的革命群众把它叫做伟大的“一月革命”。我们伟大的领袖毛主席立即坚决支持,号召全国工人、农民、革命学生、革命知识分子、革命干部学习上海市革命造反派的经验,号召人民解放军积极地支持和援助无产阶级革命派的夺权斗争。
    毛主席的这个伟大的号召,立即得到了广大革命群众和人民解放军指战员的热烈响应。无产阶级革命派组成了浩浩荡荡的队伍,对一些地方、一些部门被党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派盘踞的堡垒,正在一个一个地夺取,一个一个地巩固。“一月革命”的风暴正在席卷全国。
    党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派的阵线被打得七零八落。但是,他们同一切反动派一样,决不甘心自己的灭亡。他们也同一切反动派一样,“不肯放下屠刀,他们也决不能成佛”。
    毛主席指出:“捣乱,失败,再捣乱,再失败,直至灭亡——这就是帝国主义和世界上一切反动派对待人民事业的逻辑,他们决不会违背这个逻辑的。”对于党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派说来,也是这样。我们要按照毛主席的教导,“丢掉幻想,准备斗争。”
    上海市、山西省和其他一些地方的经验告诉我们,在夺权斗争过程中,必须高度注意以下几个问题:
            (一)
    党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派,在他们掌权的时候,总是运用他们的权力来对抗以毛主席为代表的无产阶级革命路线,镇压革命群众。在他们权力被革命群众夺掉的时候,他们还是千方百计地进行反夺权,妄图反攻倒算,把他们失去的权力再夺回去。
    有的地方,这些反动家伙,正在重新组织他们的反动队伍,聚集地富反坏右分子,搜罗社会渣滓,向无产阶级革命派进行反扑,向无产阶级革命派夺权。
    有的地方,这些反动家伙采取打进来、拉出去的办法,妄图分化瓦解无产阶级革命派的大联合,妄图篡夺革命造反团体的领导权,来转移斗争的大方向。
    有的地方,这些反动家伙唆使尚掌握一个工厂、一个车间、一个单位、一个生产大队领导权的同伙,来破坏生产,破坏交通运输,破坏国家财产和集体财产,妄图扰乱国家的经济生活,以达到他们向无产阶级革命派进行反夺权的政治目的。
    毛主席教导我们,“在战略上我们要藐视一切敌人,在战术上我们要重视一切敌人。”党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派的阴谋,是决不能得逞的,是注定要失败的,我们要蔑视他们。但是,我们必须认真对付,切切不可等闲视之,掉以轻心。
    无产阶级革命派必须充分认识,我们同党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派的夺权和反夺权斗争,是无产阶级和资产阶级的你死我活的斗争,这是敌我矛盾。
    无产阶级革命派联合起来,向党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派手里夺权,这是大方向。一切革命同志,考虑和处理一切问题,都必须从这个大方向出发,都必须服从这个大方向。否则,就会走错道路,就可能走向自己的反面。
    凡是经过半年多来轰轰烈烈的无产阶级文化大革命群众运动的地方和单位,谁是党内走资本主义道路当权派的头面人物,革命群众已经看清楚了。在夺权斗争中,无产阶级革命派,必须集中目标,狠狠地打击敌人。必须严格区分敌我矛盾和人民内部矛盾,绝不能把人民内部矛盾当作敌我矛盾,乱轰一气。否则,就会妨碍向党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派的夺权斗争,就会犯方向的错误,就会被阶级敌人利用。
            (二)
    坚决实行无产阶级革命派的大联合,团结广大群众。这是向党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派夺权斗争取得胜利的最重要的条件。
    无产阶级文化大革命发展到向党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派全面夺权斗争的阶段,革命群众团体必须实行大联合。没有无产阶级革命派的大联合,就不可能胜利地完成夺权斗争,就是夺回了一些权,也还会丧失。
    要实现和巩固无产阶级革命派的大联合,必须在斗争中活学活用毛主席的著作,整顿思想,整顿队伍,加强无产阶级的组织性和纪律性。必须用毛泽东思想为武器,去克服自己头脑中和自己团体中的本位主义、小团体主义、分散主义、非组织观点、极端民主化、自由主义、主观主义、个人主义等等错误倾向。所有这些违背毛主席教导的、妨碍无产阶级革命派大联合的思想和行动,都是资产阶级世界观的表现,都是当前尖锐的阶级斗争在革命队伍内部的反映。这些问题,属于人民内部矛盾,要根据毛主席一贯提倡的惩前毖后、治病救人的政策和团结——批评——团结的公式去解决,多做自我批评,而不要互相攻击。对于上述的非无产阶级的错误思想和行动,绝不能任其滋长,否则,就会被阶级敌人所利用。如果有人坚持这些错误思想和行动,发展下去,就可能从非对抗性的矛盾转化为对抗性的矛盾。
    革命群众组织夺回了某些部门的权力,本身的地位就随着发生了变化。在这个时候,一些同志头脑中存在的资产阶级思想和小资产阶级思想很容易发作。我们必须高度警惕。我们要排除一切私心杂念,在自己灵魂深处闹革命。一切要从无产阶级的根本利益出发,要以大局为重,不要闹个人的名誉、地位。要坚决响应毛主席“节约闹革命”的号召,不要讲排场,讲阔气,浪费国家财物,不要被资产阶级的糖衣炮弹所打中。
    夺了权的革命群众组织和负责人,对持有不同意见的群众和群众组织,应当采取团结的方针,争取大多数,而不能排斥大多数。这样做,才有利于最大限度地孤立和打击党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派,才有利于建立无产阶级的革命的新秩序。
    每个人在夺权斗争中和当权以后,都要经受新的考验。我们期望,在运动中涌现出来的革命闯将,要永远忠于无产阶级,忠于毛主席,忠于以毛主席为代表的无产阶级革命路线,期望他们逐步地在政治上成熟起来,不要做历史舞台上昙花一现的人物。而要做到这一点,只有老老实实地学习毛泽东思想,和工农群众相结合,认真地改造自己的非无产阶级的世界观,除此之外,没有别的办法。
            (三)
    必须足够重视革命干部在夺权斗争中的作用。坚持无产阶级革命路线的领导干部,是党的宝贵财富,他们可以成为夺权斗争中的骨干,可以成为夺权斗争中的领导。
    这些领导同志,过去一个相当长的时间内,在党内同一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派进行斗争。他们现在已经在群众面前亮相,在群众面前公开表明站在无产阶级革命派一边,和革命群众相结合,共同战斗。工人、农民、革命学生、革命知识分子,要相信他们。一定要分清是无产阶级当权派,还是资产阶级当权派,是拥护和执行无产阶级革命路线,还是拥护和执行资产阶级反动路线。认为只要是当权派,就一概不相信,这是不对的。不分青红皂白,反对一切,排斥一切,打倒一切,是违背马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想的阶级观点的。
    当革命的领导干部起来,同群众一道,向党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派夺权的时候,革命的群众团体应当支持他们。应当看到,他们的斗争经验比较丰富,他们在政治上比较成熟,他们的组织能力较强。有他们参加核心领导,对于夺权和掌权,都是十分有利的。
    对于犯有错误的干部,要正确对待,不能一概打倒。只要不是反党反社会主义分子而又坚持不改和累教不改的,就要允许他们改过,鼓励他们将功赎罪。惩前毖后、治病救人,这是党的传统政策。只有这样才能使犯错误的本人心悦诚服,也才能使无产阶级革命派取得大多数人的衷心拥护,使自己立于不败之地,否则是很危险的。
    党政机关和企业、事业单位的一般干部,绝大多数是好的,是要革命的。他们当中的无产阶级革命造反派,是本单位夺权的重要力量。对于这一点,决不能忽视。
    各级干部,都要经受无产阶级文化大革命的考验,都应该为无产阶级文化大革命建立新的功劳,不能躺在过去的成绩上自以为了不起,看轻新起来的革命小将。对自己只看见过去的功劳,而看不见今天的革命大方向。对新的革命小将则又只看见他们的某些缺点错误,而看不见他们的革命大方向是正确的。这样的看法是完全错误的,必须改过来。
            (四)
    这一次向党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派的夺权,不是自上而下的撤职和改组,而是由毛主席亲自号召和支持的自下而上的群众运动。只有这样,才能使我们党和国家的领导机关、企业事业单位、文化团体和学校焕然一新,彻底清除资产阶级的旧东西。
    经验证明,在夺权斗争的过程中,要由革命群众组织的负责人、当地驻军的负责人和党政机关的革命的领导干部,经过酝酿和协商,建立临时的权力机构,负责领导夺权斗争。这个临时的权力机构,要“抓革命,促生产”,使生产系统照常工作,指挥原来的业务班子(必要时加以调整)执行任务,并组织革命群众对业务班子实行监督。这个临时的权力机构,还要担负起统一指挥镇压反革命组织和反革命分子的任务。建立这样一个临时的权力机构,是应该的,必须的,非常重要的。经过一个过渡,充分发挥广大群众的智慧,创建更适合社会主义经济基础的、崭新的政权组织形式。
    被党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派长期盘踞的烂掉了的一些单位,他们实行的不是无产阶级专政,而是资产阶级专政。这些单位的夺权斗争,必须实行马克思主义的打碎旧的国家机器的原则。
    马克思在总结巴黎公社的经验时指出,无产阶级决不能接受资产阶级的现成的国家机器,而必须把它彻底打碎。国际共产主义运动的实践,证明这是一个伟大的真理。既然被党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派盘踞的一些单位,变成了资产阶级专政的机构,我们当然不能把它现成地接受过来,不能采取改良主义,不能合二而一,不能和平过渡,而是必须把它彻底打碎。
    向党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派夺权的伟大的群众运动,已经开始创造并将继续创造无产阶级专政国家机构的新的组织形式。在这里,要尊重群众的首创精神,大胆地采取在群众运动中涌现的具有生命力的新形式,来代替剥削阶级的旧东西,来代替一切不适应社会主义经济基础的旧东西。而绝不能只是把权接过来,一仍旧章,按老规矩办事。
    去年六月一日,毛主席就把北京大学的全国第一张马列主义的大字报称为二十世纪六十年代的北京人民公社宣言。这时,毛主席就英明地天才地预见到我们的国家机构,将出现崭新的形式。
    自下而上地发动亿万群众向党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派夺权,打碎旧东西,创立新形式,在国际无产阶级革命的历史上,在国际无产阶级专政的历史上,开创了新纪元,它将大大地丰富和发展巴黎公社的经验,大大地丰富和发展苏维埃的经验,大大地丰富和发展马克思列宁主义。
            (五)
    无产阶级革命派向党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派的夺权斗争,是在无产阶级专政的条件下进行的。在夺权的过程中,必须加强无产阶级专政。这是建立无产阶级的革命新秩序,必不可缺少的条件。
    在当前无产阶级同资产阶级及其在党内一小撮代理人决战的阶段,坚持反动立场的地主、富农和资产阶级右派分子、坏分子、反革命修正主义分子、美蒋特务,都纷纷出笼。这批牛鬼蛇神,造谣惑众,欺骗、拉拢一些不明真相的人,成立反革命组织,疯狂地进行反革命活动。例如,所谓“中国工农红旗军”,所谓“荣复军”、“联合行动委员会”,以及其他一些被修正主义分子组织起来的名为“革命派”,实是保字派的组织,就是这种反动组织。这些组织中的多数群众是受蒙蔽的,是应当争取教育的。
    但是,这些反动组织的一小撮头头,却处心积虑地炮打无产阶级的革命司令部,向无产阶级革命派夺权,袭击革命群众组织,暗害革命群众,收买职工,停止生产,中断交通,破坏和抢劫国家财产。他们趁火打劫,妄想变天。这种反动组织,有的就是在顽固的走资本主义道路当权派的指挥下进行反革命活动的。这种反动组织,是建筑在沙滩上的,一旦被群众识破,就会立即土崩瓦解,一小撮头头就会被群众揪出来。
    牛鬼蛇神一齐跑出来,是一件大好事,我们正好趁此机会来一个大扫除,“扫除一切害人虫”。
    对于这些反革命家伙,我们要坚决地实行专政。
    毛主席在《论人民民主专政》这篇著名论文中指出:对于反动派,必须“实行独裁,压迫这些人,只许他们规规矩矩,不许他们乱说乱动。如果乱说乱动,立即取缔,予以制裁。”
    “革命的专政和反革命的专政,性质是相反的,而前者是从后者学来的。这个学习很要紧。革命的人民如果不学会这一项对待反革命阶级的统治方法,他们就不能维持政权,他们的政权就会被内外反动派所推翻,内外反动派就会在中国复辟,革命的人民就会遭殃。”
    一切革命的同志,要牢牢记住毛主席的这些教导。对于反动派,别说大民主,就是小民主也不给,一点不给,半点也不给!对它们只能实行专政!
    现在,一批牛鬼蛇神跑出来,搞反革命组织,进行反革命活动。对于反革命组织,要坚决消灭之。对于反革命分子要毫不迟疑地实行法律制裁。
    毛主席号召人民解放军积极地支持和援助真正的无产阶级革命派,坚决地反对右派。毛主席亲手缔造的伟大的人民解放军,热烈地响应毛主席的号召。人民解放军正在无产阶级文化大革命中,为社会主义事业创立新的伟大的功劳。这是人民解放军的光荣任务。
    有的地方,反革命组织暴露得很充分了。当地驻军和广大革命群众、掌握在无产阶级革命派手里的公安机关,对反革命组织实行了镇压,这是做得完全对的。哈尔滨驻军和广大革命群众、市公安接管委员会,对当地所谓“荣复军”这个反动组织的处理,提供了有益的经验。他们在包围了所谓“荣复军”以后,首先发动政治攻势,使广大受蒙蔽的人觉悟过来,反革命肇事的现场,变成了控诉反革命分子的大会。受蒙蔽的人们交出了头头。所谓“荣复军”很快就瓦解了。这样做,既打击了极少数反革命分子,又争取了受蒙蔽的人们。
    在镇压反革命组织和反革命分子的时候,专政机关必须同广大革命群众相结合。这样就能形成天罗地网,使反革命分子无处藏身。
    一切革命群众组织,一切革命同志,都必须提高革命警惕性,防止反革命分子混进来捣乱。要在统一指挥下,配合专政机关,担负保卫无产阶级专政的任务。
    在解放战争进入对蒋介石反动派举行总反攻的时候,毛主席向全党全军全国人民发出了号召:“军队向前进,生产长一寸,加强纪律性,革命无不胜。”
    在今天,无产阶级革命的大军正在向党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派夺权,正在向资产阶级及其在党内的代理人发起总反击,我们也必须抓革命、促生产,也必须加强纪律性。这样,我们在当前这场斗争中也将是无往而不胜。
    “一唱雄鸡天下白”。让我们热烈地迎接无产阶级文化大革命的决定性的胜利吧!
    
  
  
  

 
 
顶端 Posted: 2009-07-10 08:22 | 1 楼
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