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 Carry the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution Through to the End

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Carry the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution Through to the End

"RENMIN RIB AO" and "HONGQI" EDITORIAL

(January 1, 1967)


Source: Peking Review, No. 1, January 1, 1967
Transcribed for www.wengewang.org

A Quotation From Chairman Mao Tse-tung
   So long as we can grasp the science of Marxism-Leninism, have confidence in the masses, stand closely together with the masses and lead them forward, we shall be fully able to surmount any obstacle and overcome any difficulty. Our strength will be invincible.
— The Present Situation and Our Tasks


THE emergence of the great proletarian cultural revolution in China in 1966 is the greatest event in this sixth decade of the 20th century. This revolution has taken China's socialist revolution forward to a new stage. It has opened a new era in the history of the international communist movement.
   Under the leadership of V.I. Lenin, the Great October Socialist Revolution opened the new era of proletarian revolution. The October Revolution solved the question of the seizure of political power by revolutionary violence and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, thus setting a great example for the proletariat of the whole world. At that time it was impossible, however, to solve a series of problems concerning who would win in a socialist state — the proletariat or the bourgeoisie—the maintenance of proletarian political power and the consolidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and the prevention of a capitalist restoration. Things have gone so far that in the birthplace of the October Revolution modern revisionism has emerged and usurped the leadership of the Party and state, setting the Soviet Union, the first socialist state, on to the road of capitalist restoration. This lesson shows that whether or not the proletariat is able to maintain political power and prevent capitalist restoration after it has seized political power is now a new, central issue for study by the proletariat of the world. This question decides the fate of a state which practises the dictatorship of the proletariat, and the fate of the revolutionary cause of the whole proletariat and all oppressed nations of the world. The great proletarian cultural revolution started and led by Chairman Mao Tse-tung himself has set a new and great example for the whole world proletariat in the solution of this question of great historic significance.
   The great proletarian cultural revolution is a new stage in China's socialist revolution. After the basic completion of the socialist transformation of the ownership of the means of production, the bourgeois Rightists in the country and the handful of bourgeois representatives within the Party are not reconciled to the demise of the system of exploitation, so they have launched repeated frenzied attacks on the proletariat in a vain attempt to stage a capitalist restoration. Under the guidance of Chairman Mao's theory on classes and class struggle in socialist society, our Party has led the proletariat and other revolutionary sectors in successful counter-attacks against the challenge of the bourgeoisie. The current great proletarian cultural revolution is an all-round test of strength between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie and its agents in our Party.
   Through intense class struggle, China's great proletarian cultural revolution has already begun to win great victories.
   In 1963, under the personal guidance of Chairman Mao, the revolution in literature and art was launched in China, marked mainly by the reform of the dramatic arts; this was, in fact, the beginning of the great proletarian cultural revolution.
   Since October 1965, the criticism, initiated by Chairman Mao himself, of the anti-Party, anti-socialist opera Hai Jui Dismissed from Office, of the counterrevolutionary "Three-Family Village" clique, and of the counter-revolutionary, revisionist leaders of the former Peking Municipal Committee of the Chinese Communist Party served to prepare public opinion and blazed the path for the large-scale mass movement of the great proletarian cultural revolution.
   On June I, 1966, Chairman Mao decided to publish in the press the first Marxist-Leninist big-character poster in the country, posted first in Peking University. This kindled the raging flames of the great proletarian cultural revolution and set in motion the mass movement which has as its main target for attack the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and are taking the capitalist road. A number of those in authority who took the capitalist road and reactionary bourgeois academic "authorities" were exposed by the masses who struggled against them until their prestige was completely swept into the dust. Political life in our country, the outlook of society, and the thinking of the people has undergone profound changes. A large number of brave, revolutionary path-breakers have emerged in the course of this great mass movement,
   The path of revolution is tortuous. Precisely at the time when hundreds of millions of people were consciously rising to make revolution under the guidance of the proletarian revolutionary line represented by Chairman Mao, one, two or even several responsible people in the work of the Central Committee, in Chairman Mao's absence from Peking, took the opportunity to put forth the bourgeois reactionary line to counter Chairman Mao's correct line. With those responsible persons who firmly carried out the bourgeois reactionary line, they took the reactionary bourgeois stand to enforce bourgeois dictatorship in those spheres which they could reach temporarily, and tried by every means to suppress the vigorous movement of the great cultural revolution of the proletariat These people reversed right and wrong, juggled black and white, encircled and suppressed revolutionaries, clamped down on different views, practised white terror and applauded themselves for doing so. They were puffing up the arrogance of the bourgeoisie and vitiating the morale of the proletariat.
   At that crucial moment, the Eleventh Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Party was convened, presided over by our great helmsman Chairman Mao himself. It drew up the "Decision of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party Concerning the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution," and penetratingly exposed the bourgeois reactionary line. This reactionary line shielded the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and are taking the capitalist road and played a part in their vile actions in suppressing the revolutionary mass movement and opposing the revolutionary masses. In the final analysis, it wanted to lead China towards a capitalist restoration.
   The Eleventh Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Party proclaimed the victory of the proletarian revolutionary line represented by Chairman Mao and the failure of the bourgeois reactionary line, thus guiding the great proletarian cultural revolution on to the correct path. This marked a great new victory of Mao Tse-tung's thought in the course of the socialist revolution.
   After the Eleventh Plenary Session the proletarian revolutionary line represented by Chairman Mao has been integrated with the revolutionary enthusiasm of the broad masses. Hence the mass criticism and repudiation of the bourgeois reactionary line and the new upsurge of the great proletarian cultural revolution. An important sign of this upsurge has been the Red Guard movement and the extensive exchange of revolutionary experience.
   The Red Guards are something new that has emerged in the course of the great proletarian cultural revolution. When the Red Guards first appeared in June and July they consisted of only several score people and were smeared as a "reactionary organization" by those who put forth the bourgeois reactionary line; they were attacked and assaulted from all sides. However, the great proletarian revolutionary Chairman Mao perceived the boundless vitality of the Red Guards the instant he discovered the new — the Red Guards. He sang the praise of the Red Guards for their proletarian revolutionary rebel spirit and gave them firm and warm support. Chairman Mao's voice was like a clap of spring thunder. In a very brief time, Red Guards developed in schools all over the country, in many factories and rural areas, and became an enormous and powerful cultural revolutionary army. The struggle [to overthrow those persons in authority who are taking the capitalist road], the criticism and repudiation [of the reactionary bourgeois academic "authorities" and the ideology of the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes] and the transformation [of education, literature and art and all other parts of the superstructure that do not correspond to the socialist economic base] in the schools have been extended to the whole of society. The revolutionary Red Guards have destroyed the "four olds" of the exploiting classes on a large scale and extensively fostered the "four news" of the proletariat. They are in the van in the criticism and repudiation of the bourgeois reactionary line. They have served as the vanguard.
   The extensive exchange of revolutionary experience is also something new that has emerged in the course of the great proletarian cultural revolution and has been supported and promoted by the great proletarian revolutionary Chairman Mao. The extensive exchange of experience by revolutionary students and teachers on a nationwide scale has linked the great proletarian cultural revolutionary movement throughout the country. The extensive exchange of revolutionary experience has spread Mao Tse-tung's thought, propagated Chairman Mao's proletarian revolutionary line and organized the proletarian revolutionary ranks all over the country and greatly battered the bourgeois reactionary line.
   However, the very few persons who stubbornly persist in the bourgeois reactionary line are not reconciled to their defeat. The bourgeois reactionary line has its social base, which is mainly the bourgeoisie, and those landlords and rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, bad elements and Rightists, who have not reformed themselves sufficiently. The bourgeois reactionary line has a certain market within the Party too — among cadres whose world outlook has not been remoulded, or not been remoulded sufficiently. The very few persons who stubbornly persist in the bourgeois reactionary line are stirring up trouble by making use of its social base and its influence inside the Party. They resort to a variety of tricks in their dual tactics to resist the proletarian revolutionary line and to sabotage the criticism and repudiation of the bourgeois reactionary line by the revolutionary masses.
   The most important plot and scheme of the very small number of persons who stubbornly persist in the bourgeois reactionary line is to incite the masses to struggle against each other. They have secretly organized and manipulated some people and mass organizations, whom they have hoodwinked, to suppress the revolution, protect themselves, and to provoke conflicts In which coercion or force are used in a vain attempt to create confusion. They spread rumours, turned black into white and shifted the blame for the evil they had done behind people's backs on to the proletarian revolutionaries, labelling the latter with the "bourgeois reactionary line." They have continued to vainly attempt to direct the spearhead of the attack against the revolutionary masses, the proletarian revolutionary line and the proletarian revolutionary headquarters.
   When our Party was organizing the proletarian cultural revolutionary ranks in accordance with Chairman Mao's class line, this very small number of persons who stubbornly cling to the bourgeois reactionary line made use of the slogan "A hero's son is a real man! A reactionary's son is no damn good!" to bewilder a number of students, create factions and confuse the class fronts. This slogan was first put forth by some naive young people- Because of certain one-sidedness in their methods of thinking, and proceeding from the correct premise of opposing the discrimination against and attack on the sons and daughters of revolutionary cadres, workers and peasants by the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and taking the capitalist road, these young people have moved to another extreme. Towards these naive youngsters, the proper thing to do is to patiently give them correct guidance. This was what the Party did at the time. However, those who stubbornly persist in the bourgeois reactionary line have made use of this slogan and have ulterior motives for deceiving a very small number of students (among whom are some cadres' sons and daughters who have not been properly educated), trying to lead them on to the wrong path and to create antagonism between these and other students. The slogan "A hero's son is a real man! A reactionary's son is no damn good!" has thus been turned into something in opposition to the proletarian revolutionary line. It should be pointed out that the way those people with ulterior motives have made use of the slogan is in essence to advertise the exploiting classes' reactionary "theory of family lineage." This is exactly the same as the lineage theory spread by the feudal landlord class that "a dragon begets a dragon, a phoenix begets a phoenix, and those begot ton by rats are good at digging holes." This is out and out reactionary historical idealism.
   The very small number of persons who stubbornly persist in the bourgeois reactionary line not only refuse to make a self-criticism before the masses, to reverse the verdicts passed on those of the revolutionary masses who have been branded "counter-revolutionaries," "anti-Party elements," "pseudo-Leftists but genuine Rightists," "self-seeking careerists'' and so on and so forth, and to publicly burn the material they have compiled against some of the revolutionary masses. On the contrary, they have been loudly publicizing "the theory of settling accounts after the autumn harvest," and declaring that some of the revolutionary masses will be dealt with as "Rightists." This means that they are going to counter attack and settle their accounts with the revolutionary masses. The proletarian revolutionaries are not afraid of settling accounts. The "theory of settling accounts after the autumn harvest" can in no way intimidate the revolutionary masses. Those who spread such talk have contracted a new debt to the Party and the revolutionary masses who are sure to settle accounts with them.
   These manoeuvres of the very few persons who stubbornly persist in the bourgeois reactionary line serve precisely to expose them. The greater the disturbances they make, the clearer the masses understand what is meant by the bourgeois reactionary line and the more they see that it is absolutely necessary to rise up and expose, criticize and repudiate it.
   Why were these persons who persist in the bourgeois reactionary line able to hoodwink some people for a time? They made use of the high prestige enjoyed by Chairman Mao and the Party among the masses; they arrogated to themselves the credit of the Party, describing themselves as the personification of the Party, their words and actions as the expression of the Party leadership and the people's faith in the Party as faith in them. They also made special efforts to spread the idea that people should obey the leadership of their immediate superiors unconditionally and in disregard of principle. Such an idea in essence advocates blind obedience and slavishness, and is opposed to Marxism-Leninism, Mao Tse-tung's thought
   As early as during the rectification campaign in 1942, when the question of the Wang Ming line was solved ideologically, Chairman Mao pointed out:
   "Communists must always go into the whys and wherefores of anything, use their own heads and carefully think over whether or not it corresponds to reality and is really well founded —on no account should they follow blindly and encourage slavishness."
   Chairman Mao has often taught us that erroneous leadership, which brings harm to the revolution, should not be accepted unconditionally but should be resisted resolutely. In fact, in the course of the current great cultural revolution, the masses of revolutionary students and teachers and revolutionary cadres have put up wide resistance to erroneous leadership.
   It is both a political and organizational principle of a proletarian political Party armed with Marxism-Leninism, Mao Tse-tung's thought, resolutely to accept and carry out correct leadership by Marxism-Leninism, Mao Tse-tung's thought, resolutely to resist wrong leadership that brings harm to the revolution, and resolutely to oppose slavishness. All true Communists should act in accordance with this principle resolutely, wholly and fearlessly, and undertake to propagate it correctly to the masses. Once this principle is grasped by the revolutionary masses and the masses of revolutionary cadres, those persons who stubbornly persist in the bourgeois reactionary line and the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and are taking the capitalist road will be disarmed.
   More than four months have passed since the Eleventh Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. Chairman Mao and his comrades-in-arms have done much political and ideological work with regard to those comrades who have committed errors of line, and the revolutionary masses have criticized and educated them. Some comrades have already corrected their errors and others are now correcting them, and this should be welcomed. As for those persons who still refuse to correct their errors, we should sharply tell them: pull back before it is too late! If they continue to cling to the bourgeois reactionary line and use two-faced tactics towards the Party and the masses they will be wallowing in the mire with those persons who are in authority and are taking the capitalist road, or prove themselves to be, in fact, persons in authority who are taking the capitalist road.
   This struggle between the two lines is a very deep-going one. The mass movement carried out in the past few months to criticize and repudiate the bourgeois reactionary line has scored tremendous achievements and enabled hundreds of millions of people to understand the essence of the struggle. The proletarian revolutionary line represented by Chairman Mao aims to boldly arouse the masses, overthrow the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and are taking the capitalist road and the bourgeois reactionary academic "authorities," and eradicate all vestiges of the exploiting classes. On the other hand, the bourgeois reactionary line aims to suppress the masses, protect the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and are taking the capitalist road and the bourgeois reactionary academic "authorities" and defend all vestiges of the exploiting classes. One wants to carry the socialist revolution through to the end while the other wants to preserve the old capitalist order. One wants to revolutionize while the other wants to preserve. This is the essence of the struggle between the two lines.
   As the mass criticism and repudiation of the bourgeois reactionary line grows deeper, the masses are further grasping the proletarian revolutionary line of Chairman Mao and a new situation has developed in China's great proletarian cultural revolution. The main features of this new situation are the following:
   Vast numbers of workers and peasants have risen. They are breaking through all obstacles to establish their own revolutionary organizations and they have plunged into the movement of the great proletarian cultural revolution.
   The forces of the revolutionary students have grown greatly and become much stronger, and their level is much higher. A number of revolutionary students have gone to factories and villages and have begun to integrate themselves with the worker-peas ant masses.
   The revolutionary cadres in Party and state organizations have risen to revolt against those persons holding responsible posts who are stubbornly clinging to the bourgeois reactionary line.
   The mass movement has grown in scope. The content of struggle has grown richer. More revolutionary path-breakers have appeared among workers, peasants, students and cadres. The handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and are taking the capitalist road have become more isolated.
   All cultural revolution movements in contemporary Chinese history have begun with student movements and led to the worker and peasant movements, to the integration of revolutionary intellectuals with the worker-peasant masses. This is an objective law. This was true of the May Fourth Movement which marked the beginning of China's contemporary history of revolution and is true also of the great proletarian cultural revolution which has brought the country's socialist revolution to a new stage. In 1967, China's great proletarian cultural revolution will continue to develop in line with this objective law.
   1967 will be a year of all-round development of class struggle throughout China.
   It will be a year in which the proletariat, united with other sectors of the revolutionary masses, will launch a general attack on the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and are taking the capitalist road, and on the ghosts and monsters in society.
   It will be a year of even more penetrating criticism and repudiation of the bourgeois reactionary line and elimination of its influence.
   It will be a year of decisive victory in carrying out the struggle [to overthrow those persons in authority who are taking the capitalist road], the criticism and repudiation [of the reactionary bourgeois academic "authorities" and the ideology of the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes] and the transformation [of education, literature and art and all other parts of the superstructure that do not correspond to the socialist economic base].
   The main political tasks confronting the whole Party and all revolutionaries in the country for 1967 are:
   First, in accordance with the directive of Chairman Mao and the Central Committee of the Party to "grasp the revolution and promote production," the great proletarian cultural revolution should be carried out on a large-scale in the factories and rural areas, so as to stimulate the revolutionization of people's thinking and promote the development of industrial and agricultural production.
   The great proletarian cultural revolution in the factories and rural areas must follow the 16-point decision of the Party's Central Committee concerning the cultural revolution and firmly adhere to the line of letting the masses educate themselves, liberate themselves and rise up and make revolution by themselves. No one should take everything into one's own hands. The "four clean-ups" movement is to be incorporated into the great cultural revolution in which the question of the "four clean-ups" and the question of re-checking the results will be solved.
   The great proletarian cultural revolution in the factories and rural areas is of the utmost importance. The workers and peasants are the main force in this revolution. The worker-peasant masses must be boldly aroused to struggle against and overthrow the handful of persons in the Party who are in authority in the factories and mines and in the rural areas and who are taking the capitalist road and root out all vestiges of capitalism and revisionism. Only in this way can the roots of capitalist restoration be eliminated.
   In the early period of the War of Resistance to Japanese Aggression, Chairman Mao said: "only by mobilizing the masses of workers and peasants, who form 90 per cent of the population, can we defeat imperialism and feudalism.” Likewise, only by "mobilizing the masses of workers and peasants, who form 90 per cent of the population," will it be possible today to defeat the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and are taking the capitalist road and to settle the question of who will win, the proletariat or the bourgeoisie.
   The great proletarian cultural revolution must go from the offices, schools and cultural circles to the factories and mines and the rural areas so that all positions are captured by Mao Tse-tung's thought. If the movement is confined to offices, schools and cultural circles, the great proletarian cultural revolution will stop half way.
   Any argument against the carrying out of a large-scale proletarian cultural revolution in factories and mines and the rural areas is erroneous.
   Some muddle-headed people counterpose the revolution to production and think that once the great cultural revolution starts, it will impede production. Therefore, they take hold of production alone and do not grasp the revolution. These comrades have not thought through the question of what is the purpose of farming, weaving, steel making. Is it for building socialism, or is it for building capitalism? The historical experience of countries under the dictatorship of the proletariat tells us that only when the great proletarian cultural revolution is carried out successfully can the advance of our economic construction along the road of socialism and communism be ensured. Many instances during the great proletarian cultural revolution show that production makes great headway wherever the cultural revolution is successful. Revolution can only promote the development of the social productive forces, not impede it. This is a Marxist-Leninist truth, a truth of Mao Tse-tung's thought.
   There are also an extremely small number of persons who use the taking hold of production as a pretext to repress the revolution. They appear to be interested in production, but, in point of fact, they are interested in their own posts and the preservation of old bourgeois things; they are afraid that the revolution may turn against them. They go to such lengths as abetting the section of people who, for a time, are hoodwinked by them, to halt production and take action against the revolutionary masses when the masses rise to make vigorous revolution. Some of them even collude with landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, bad elements and Rightists to engage in underhanded activities. This only exposes them as pursuing the bourgeois reactionary line, or worse still, that they are, or are on the point of becoming, persons in authority taking the capitalist road.
   The mass movement in factories and mines and the rural areas in the great proletarian cultural revolution is an irresistible historical trend. Any argument or person standing in the way of this trend will be swept on to the rubbish heap by the revolutionary masses.
   Second, with regard to the great proletarian cultural revolution in the schools and every cultural sphere, the idea should be energetically advocated that revolutionary students, teachers and intellectuals should go to the factories and rural areas in a planned and organized way, to integrate themselves with the worker-peasant masses.
   In The May 4th Movement and The Orientation of the Youth Movement, both published in 1939, Chairman Mao pointed out:
   "The intellectuals will accomplish nothing if they fail to integrate themselves with the workers and peasants. In the final analysis, the dividing line between revolutionary intellectuals and non-revolutionary or counter-revolutionary intellectuals is whether or not they are willing to integrate themselves with the workers and peasants and actually do so."
   "The young intellectuals and students throughout the country must unite with the broad masses of workers and peasants and become one with them, and only (hen can a mighty force be created. A force of hundreds of millions of people! Only with this huge force can the enemy's strongholds be taken and his last fortresses smashed."
   Here, Chairman Mao stated a universal truth. Integration with the worker-peasant masses is the orientation for the youth movement in both the period of the new democratic revolution and the period of the socialist revolution.
   It is still true today that "in the final analysis, the dividing line between revolutionary intellectuals and non-revolutionary or counter-revolutionary intellectuals is whether or not they are willing to integrate themselves with the workers and peasants and actually do so." Only by integrating himself with the workers and peasants can the intellectual establish a truly proletarian world outlook and become a proletarian intellectual in the true sense.
   It is still true today that young intellectuals and students must go to the factories and the countryside, integrate themselves with the workers and peasants and become one with them. Only then can a mighty hundreds of millions strong force be organized to take by storm the positions held by the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and are taking the capitalist road and to win final victory in the great proletarian cultural revolution.
   Going to the factories and the countryside should be rationally arranged in relation to the tasks of struggle, criticism and repudiation, and transformation in a given unit. The necessary summing up of the struggle in the previous period in the unit has to be done, so as to further clarify the essence of the struggle between the two lines in the great cultural revolution, distinguish right from wrong on cardinal issues, and adopt a correct attitude and get a correct understanding in the matter of going to the factories and rural areas.
   Having gone to the factories and rural areas, we should learn modestly from the worker and peasant masses and be their willing pupils, join together with them to work, study and discuss the problems in the cultural revolution, propagate the proletarian revolutionary line of Chairman Mao, and criticize and repudiate the bourgeois reactionary line. We must direct our eyes downward, undertake thoroughgoing investigation and study, integrate ourselves with the revolutionary mass organizations in the factories and rural areas, guard against the idea of our being always right and avoid taking everything into our own hands.
   An important condition in carrying out the tasks of struggle, criticism and repudiation, and transformation within a given unit is that its members should go to factories and rural areas. When students and other young intellectuals plunge into the heat of the mass movement of the workers and peasants so that their ideology will be remoulded, they will be able to struggle more powerfully against the handful of persons within the Party who are in authority and are taking the capitalist road, and to differentiate more clearly between right and wrong in the big debate. Only when the great proletarian cultural revolution in the factories and rural areas is carried out thoroughly can the revolution In the schools and cultural circles, which belong to the superstructure, be completely accomplished. Only when the actual conditions in the factories and rural areas are understood and the voice of the workers and peasants is heard, can the system and content of education and the method of teaching be changed in a practical way and our cultural bodies and cultural work be transformed effectively so that they will serve the workers, peasants and soldiers truly and completely.
   Third, fully develop extensive democracy under the dictatorship of the proletariat. This extensive democracy means mobilizing hundreds of millions of people under the command of Mao Tse-tung's thought to launch a general attack on the enemies of socialism and, at the same time, criticize and supervise leading organs and leading cadres at all levels. Fostering such a social atmosphere of extensive democracy is of great, far-reaching significance for the consolidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the prevention of the restoration of capitalism.
   Extensive proletarian democracy is a new development of Chairman Mao's mass line and a new form of the integration of Mao Tse-tung's thought with hundreds of millions of people. This extensive democracy is the best way for the masses to educate and liberate themselves. In the course of this movement for extensive democracy, the masses are taking Mao Tse-tung's thought as their weapon to draw a line between the enemy and themselves and distinguish right from wrong. This extensive democracy is the best school for learning Mao Tse-tung's thought.
   Chairman Mao teaches us: "Democracy sometimes seems to be an end, but it is in fact only a means." What we aim to achieve by means of extensive democracy is the carrying out of the great proletarian cultural revolution and the development of the cause of socialism. If we depart from the interests of the proletariat and other labouring people, from socialism and from the proletarian revolutionary line represented by Chairman Mao, we shall not be able to have extensive proletarian democracy, and the result can only be the oppression of the revolutionary masses by a small number of persons.
   The extensive democracy we advocate is under the centralized guidance of Mao Tse-tung's thought. Different opinions among the masses should be debated under the guidance of Mao Tse-tung's thought by presenting facts and reasoning things out; it is impermissible to use coercive measures to make others submit. Among the people, it would be against the principle of extensive proletarian democracy if only one himself is allowed to express opinions while others are forbidden to air different opinions. A very few bad eggs with ulterior motives are Instigating those of the masses whom they have hoodwinked to carry out struggles by force and coercion in an attempt to suppress the revolution. They are sabotaging extensive proletarian democracy, the great proletarian cultural revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat.
   Chairman Mao teaches us that there should be democracy within the ranks of the people and dictatorship over the reactionaries. The dictatorship of the proletariat is the safeguard for the implementation of extensive proletarian democracy. Extensive proletarian democracy in turn is aimed at consolidating the dictator ship of the proletariat. Without extensive proletarian democracy, there is the danger that the dictatorship of the proletariat will turn into the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Without the dictatorship of the proletariat there can be no proletarian democracy. There cannot even be democracy on a small scale, let alone extensive democracy. In the course of the great proletarian cultural revolution, our organs of proletarian dictatorship must resolutely and unswervingly guarantee the democratic rights of the people and guarantee that free airing of views, the posting of big-character posters, great debates, and the large-scale exchange of revolutionary experience proceed in a normal way. Where there is clear evidence of cases of murder, arson, poisoning, traffic accidents created with murderous intent, maintaining traitorous relations with foreign countries, theft of state secrets and sabotage, the counter-revolutionaries concerned must be subjected to dictatorship and punished according to law. All revolutionary people must assist and supervise our state organs of the dictatorship in carrying out their task of safeguarding extensive proletarian democracy. As for Rightists who are reactionary-minded but have not done anything against the law, the masses should struggle against them by presenting facts and reasoning things out.

 Fourth, continue to carry out mass criticism of the bourgeois reactionary line.

 It is by no means accidental that the bourgeois reactionary line has appeared in the great proletarian cultural revolution. Since China entered the stage of socialist revolution, struggles have existed between the proletarian revolutionary line represented by Chairman Mao and the bourgeois reactionary line, and over the issue of whether to build socialism or capitalism. Those who have put forward the reactionary line in the great proletarian cultural revolution only further exposed their bourgeois reactionary stand.

A great deal of intensive and careful work still has to be done in order to get rid of the bourgeois reactionary line and stamp out its effects In the factories mines, in rural areas, in primary and middle schools, in colleges and universities, in cultural circles, in Party and government institutions and in all other spheres so that people can really get to the ideological root in solving this Question. We must soundly understand this point.

   Greet efforts must be made henceforth to destroy the bourgeois reactionary line and establish Chairman Mao's proletarian revolutionary line in the movement among the workers, peasants and students, and on a variety of fronts in the great proletarian cultural revolution. This is the key to carrying the great proletarian cultural revolution through to the end.

Revolutionary cadres in the Party and government is must break with outmoded rules and regulations and conventions which shackle the revolution. They must go among the misses and, together with the workers, peasants and revolutionary students, criticize and repudiate the bourgeois reactionary line and struggle against the handful of people within the Party who are in authority and are taking the capitalist road. Through the mass movement of the great proletarian cultural revolution, we shall realize the thorough proletarian revolutionization of our Party and government institutions.

   During the criticism and repudiation of the bourgeois reactionary line, those comrades who commit errors of line must be treated in accordance with Chair, man Mao's instructions: "In the spirit of 'learning from past mistakes to avoid future ones' and 'curing the sickness to save the patient’ in order to achieve the twofold objective of clarity in ideology and unity among comrades." As for the very few double-dealers who refuse to correct themselves, stick to their errors and feign compliance while acting in opposition, the masses will surely overthrow them and they will have only themselves to blame.
   The Chinese Communist Party is great, glorious and correct. Those in the Party who are in authority and are taking the capitalist road amount to just a handful of people. The overwhelming majority of Party members and cadres are good and want revolution. Through the testing and tempering of the mass movement in the great proletarian cultural revolution, they will become still stronger.
   The revolutionary Left should make great efforts to study and apply Chairman Mao's works creatively, raise their level and readjust their ranks in the struggle to criticize and repudiate the bourgeois reactionary line. The ranks of the revolutionary Left must strengthen their unity on the basis of Mao Tse-tung's thought. They should make greater efforts to study and grasp the strategic and tactical concepts of Chairman Mao and be good at winning over and uniting with the great majority so as to isolate the diehard enemy to the greatest possible extent. In the struggle, a strict distinction must be made between contradictions between ourselves and the enemy and those among the people. "The strictest care should be taken to distinguish between the anti-Party, anti-socialist Rightists and those who support the Party and socialism but have said or done something wrong or have written some bad articles or other works," and "to distinguish between the reactionary bourgeois scholar despots and reactionary 'authorities' on the one hand and people who have the ordinary bourgeois academic ideas on the other.'' By the end of the movement we shall achieve unity of more than 95 per cent of the cadres and more than 95 per cent of the people.
   It is certain that the handful of people within the Party who are in authority and are taking the capitalist road and those very few diehards who stick to the bourgeois reactionary line will play new tricks and continue to make trouble. Like all other reactionaries, "In the lest analysis, their persecution of the revolutionary people only serves to accelerate the people’s revolutions on a broader and more intense scale.” To be sure, like all other reactionaries, they too are paper tigers. We must do as Chairman Mao teaches us: despise them strategically and take full account of them tactically, and wage an unremitting struggle against them.
 In the great proletarian cultural revolution, we should take as the key link the class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, the struggle between the two roads of socialism and capitalism and the struggle between the proletarian revolutionary line and the bourgeois reactionary line, and, in conjunction with the free airing of views, big-character posters and great debates, develop more fully the mass movement for the creative study and application of Chairman Mao's works in response to the call of Comrade Lin Piao who is holding high the great red banner of Mao Tse-tung's thought, and temper and strengthen the highly proletarianized and militant revolutionary ranks to win one new victory after another.

Under the banner of the great thought of Mao Tse-tung,
Let the working class unite,
Let the working class unite with the poor and lower-middle peasants and other labouring people,
Let all labouring people unite with the revolutionary students, revolutionary intellectuals and revolutionary cadres,
Let the people of all nationalities unite,
Unfold class struggle in an all-round way throughout the country,
And carry the great proletarian cultural revolution through to the end!
Long live the great teacher, the great leader, the great supreme commander and the great helmsman Chairman Mao!
[ 此帖被行者在2009-06-16 13:08重新编辑 ]
  
  
  

 
 
顶端 Posted: 2009-06-13 06:21 | [楼 主]
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把无产阶级文化大革命进行到底

《人民日报》《红旗》杂志

一九六六年,在我国兴起的无产阶级文化大革命,是二十世纪六十年代的最伟大的事件。这个革命,使我国的社会主义革命发展到一个新阶段。这个革命,在国际共产主义运动的历史上开辟了一个新纪元。

在列宁领导下,伟大的十月社会主义革命,开辟了无产阶级革命的新时代。十月革命,解决了用革命暴力夺取政权,建立无产阶级专政的问题,给全世界无产阶级树立了伟大的榜样。但是,当时不可能解决社会主义国家无产阶级和资产阶级谁战胜谁,保持无产阶级政权,巩固无产阶级专政,防止资本主义复辟的一系列问题。十月革命的故乡,竟然出现了现代修正主义集团篡夺党和国家的领导,使得第一个社会主义国家苏联,走上资本主义复辟的道路。这个教训,说明了无产阶级夺取了政权以后,能不能保持政权,能不能防止资本主义复辟,成了国际无产阶级的一个新的中心课题。它不仅决定着无产阶级专政国家的命运,而且决定着全世界无产阶级和被压迫民族革命事业的命运。毛主席亲自发动和领导的无产阶级文化大革命,就是解决这个具有伟大历史意义的问题,给全世界无产阶级树立新的伟大的榜样。

无产阶级文化大革命,是我国社会主义革命的新阶段。在生产资料所有制的社会主义改造基本完成以后,社会上的资产阶级右派和党内的一小撮资产阶级代表人物,他们不甘心剥削制度的灭亡,不断地向无产阶级发动猖狂进攻,妄图实行资本主义复辟。在毛主席关于社会主义社会阶级和阶级斗争学说的指导下,我们党领导无产阶级和其他革命群众,对资产阶级的挑战举行了胜利的反击。这次无产阶级文化大革命,是无产阶级同资产阶级和它在我们党内的代理人的一次全面的较量。

经过激烈的阶级斗争,我国的无产阶级文化大革命,开始取得了伟大的胜利。

一九六三年,在毛主席亲自指导下,我国进行的以戏剧改革为主要标志的文艺革命,实际上是无产阶级文化大革命的开端。

从一九六五年十月起,毛主席亲自发动的对反党反社会主义的《海瑞罢官》的批判,对“三家村”反革命集团的批判,对旧北京市委反革命修正主义领导人的批判,为大规模的无产阶级文化大革命群众运动,作了舆论准备,打开了道路。

一九六六年六月一日,毛主席决定发表北京大学的全国第一张马列主义的大字报,点燃了无产阶级文化大革命的熊熊烈火,掀起了一个以打击党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派为重点的群众运动。一批走资本主义道路的当权派,资产阶级反动学术“权威”,被揭露了出来,群众把他们斗得威风扫地。我们国家的政治生活、社会面貌、人们的精神状态,发生了深刻的变化。在这个伟大的群众运动中,涌现出了一大批勇敢的革命闯将。

革命的道路是曲折的。正当亿万群众在以毛主席为代表的无产阶级革命路线指引下,自觉起来闹革命的时候,有一两个或几个在中央做工作的负责人,乘毛主席不在北京的机会,抛出了资产阶级反动路线,反对毛主席的正确路线。他们和那些坚决执行资产阶级反动路线的负责人,站在反动的资产阶级立场上,在他们暂时力所能及的范围内,实行资产阶级专政,力图将无产阶级轰轰烈烈的文化大革命运动打下去。这些人,颠倒是非,混淆黑白,围剿革命派,压制不同意见,实行白色恐怖,自以为得意,长资产阶级的威风,灭无产阶级的志气。

正在这样的关键时刻,我们的伟大舵手毛主席亲自主持召开了党的八届十一中全会,制定了《中国共产党中央委员会关于无产阶级文化大革命的决定》,深刻地揭露了资产阶级反动路线。这条反动路线,包庇党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派,跟他们同流合污,镇压革命的群众运动,跟革命群众作对,归根到底,是要把中国引向资本主义复辟。

党的八届十一中全会,宣告了以毛主席为代表的无产阶级革命路线的胜利,宣告了资产阶级反动路线的失败,把无产阶级文化大革命引到正确的轨道上来。这是毛泽东思想在社会主义革命道路上的一个新的伟大胜利。

八届十一中全会之后,以毛主席为代表的无产阶级革命路线同广大群众的革命热情相结合,就出现了对资产阶级反动路线的群众性的批判,出现了无产阶级文化大革命的新高潮。这个新高潮的重要标志,就是红卫兵运动和革命大串连。

红卫兵是无产阶级文化大革命中涌现出来的新事物。六七月间,红卫兵刚出现,只有几十个人,当时被提出资产阶级反动路线的人诬蔑为“反动组织”,遭到了打击和围攻。而伟大的无产阶级革命家毛主席,一发现红卫兵这样的新事物,就立即看到它的无限的生命力,歌颂它的无产阶级的革命造反精神,给予坚决的热烈的支持。毛主席的声音,像一声春雷,在极短的时间内,红卫兵在全国各学校和许多工厂、农村发展起来了,成为一支浩浩荡荡的文化革命大军。学校的斗、批、改发展到社会上的斗、批、改。革命的红卫兵,大破剥削阶级的四旧,大立无产阶级的四新。他们站在批判资产阶级反动路线的前头。他们起了先锋作用。

革命大串连,也是无产阶级文化大革命中涌现出来的新事物,也是伟大的无产阶级革命家毛主席支持和倡导的。革命师生在全国范围的大串连,把全国的无产阶级文化大革命运动连成一片。革命大串连,在全国传播毛泽东思想,宣传毛主席的无产阶级革命路线,组织无产阶级的革命队伍,有力地冲击了资产阶级反动路线。

但是,极少数顽固坚持资产阶级反动路线的人,并不甘心自己的失败。资产阶级反动路线有它的社会基础,这主要是资产阶级,还有一批没有改造好的地、富、反、坏、右分子。资产阶级反动路线在党内也有一定的市场,这就是一些世界观没有改造或没有改造好的干部。极少数顽固坚持资产阶级反动路线的人,利用这条反动路线的社会基础和它在党内的影响,兴风作浪。

他们使用阴一套、阳一套的种种手段,对抗无产阶级革命路线,破坏广大革命群众对资产阶级反动路线的批判。

极少数顽固坚持资产阶级反动路线的人,最重要的阴谋诡计,就是挑动群众斗群众。他们暗中组织和操纵一些受他们蒙蔽的群众和群众组织,压制革命,保护自己,挑起武斗,企图制造混乱。他们还散布谣言,颠倒黑白,把他们暗中所做的这些坏事,加在无产阶级革命派的头上,给革命派戴上“资产阶级反动路线”的帽子。他们继续妄图把斗争的矛头,指向革命群众,指向无产阶级革命路线,指向无产阶级的革命司令部。

正当我们党按照毛主席的阶级路线,组织无产阶级文化革命队伍的时候,极少数坚持资产阶级反动路线的人,却利用“老子英雄儿好汉,老子反动儿混蛋”这个口号,蛊惑一批学生,制造宗派,搅乱阶级阵线。这个口号,开始是一些天真的青年人提出来的,他们由于思想方法上的某些片面性,从反对党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派排斥和打击革命干部子女、工农子女这个正确前提出发,走到了另一个极端。对于这些天真的青年,应该循循善诱地引导他们。我们党,当时就是这样做的。顽固坚持资产阶级反动路线的人,却别有用心地利用这个口号,欺骗极少数学生(其中有些是没有教育好的干部子女),要把他们引上邪路,来同另一部分学生闹对立。这样一来,“老子英雄儿好汉,老子反动儿混蛋”这个口号,就成了对抗无产阶级革命路线的东西。应当指出,别有用心的人,利用这个口号,实质上是宣扬剥削阶级的反动的血统论。封建地主阶级宣扬什么“龙生龙,凤生凤,老鼠生儿打地洞”,就是这样的血统论。它是彻头彻尾反动的历史唯心主义。

极少数顽固坚持资产阶级反动路线的人,不但不向群众检讨,不给被他们打成“反革命”、“反党分子”、“假左派、真右派”、“伸手派”等等的革命群众平反,不肯当众销毁那些整革命群众的材料,反而大肆宣扬“秋后算账论”,扬言还要把革命群众当作“右派”处理。这种论调,就是要反攻倒算。无产阶级革命派是不怕算账的。“秋后算账论”是吓不倒革命群众的。散布这种论调的人,又对党、对革命群众欠下了一笔新账。革命群众对于他们的这笔账,是一定要算的。

极少数顽固坚持资产阶级反动路线的人,他们这些形形色色的表演,恰好暴露了他们自己。他们闹得越凶,就越使广大群众认识到什么叫资产阶级反动路线,认识到非起来揭露和批判这条资产阶级反动路线不可。

这些坚持资产阶级反动路线的人,为什么在一个时候能够蒙蔽一些群众呢?这是因为,他们利用毛主席和党在群众中的崇高威信,他们贪天之功,据为己有,把自己说成是党的化身,把自己的言行说成是党的领导,把相信党说成是相信他们自己。他们还特别宣扬这样一种论调,就是要人们不讲原则、无条件地服从直接上级领导。这种论调,实际上是提倡盲从,提倡奴隶主义,而反对马克思列宁主义、反对毛泽东思想的。

早在一九四二年整风运动,从思想上解决王明路线问题的时候,毛主席就指出:

“共产党员对任何事情都要问一个为什么,都要经过自己头脑的周密思考,想一想它是否合乎实际,是否真有道理,绝对不应盲从,绝对不应提倡奴隶主义。”

毛主席经常教导我们:危害革命的错误领导,不应当无条件接受,而应当坚决抵制。事实上,在这次文化大革命中,广大革命师生及革命干部对于错误的领导,就广泛地进行过抵制。

坚决接受和执行马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想的正确领导,坚决抵制危害革命的错误领导,坚决反对奴隶主义,这是以马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想武装起来的无产阶级政党的政治原则,也是组织原则。一切真正的共产党员,都应当坚决地、不折不扣地、无所畏惧地按照这个原则办事,并且正确地向群众宣传这个原则。这个原则,为广大革命群众和广大革命干部所掌握,那些顽固坚持资产阶级反动路线的人,党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派,就会被缴了械。

八届十一中全会到现在,已经四个多月了。毛主席和他的战友们,对犯了路线错误的同志,做了许多政治思想工作,广大革命群众也对他们进行了批评和教育。有些同志已经改正了错误,有些同志正在改正错误。这是应该受到欢迎的。对于那些还不肯改正错误的人,应当大喝一声:必须悬崖勒马!如果他们继续坚持资产阶级反动路线,对党对群众玩弄两面手法,那就要同走资本主义道路的当权派合流了,或者证明他们自己本来就是走资本主义道路的当权派。

这次两条路线的斗争是非常深刻的。几个月来开展的批判资产阶级反动路线的群众运动,获得了极大的胜利,使得亿万群众懂得了这场斗争的实质。以毛主席为代表的无产阶级革命路线,要放手发动群众,斗垮党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派和资产阶级反动学术“权威”,革除一切剥削阶级的旧东西。而资产阶级反动路线,则要压制群众,保护党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派和资产阶级反动学术“权威”,保护一切剥削阶级的旧东西。一个要把社会主义革命进行到底,一个要保存资本主义旧秩序,一个要革,一个要保,这就是两条路线斗争的实质。

随着对资产阶级反动路线的群众性批判的深入发展,毛主席的无产阶级革命路线进一步为广大群众所掌握,我国无产阶级文化大革命出现了一个新局面。这个新局面的主要特点就是:
广大的工人、农民起来了。他们冲破各种阻力,建立自己的革命组织,投入了无产阶级文化大革命运动。

革命学生的力量有了很大的发展、壮大和提高。有些革命学生走到工厂,走到农村,开始同工农群众相结合。

党和国家机关的革命干部,起来造那些顽固坚持资产阶级反动路线的负责人的反。

群众运动的规模更大了。斗争的内容更丰富了。在工人中,农民中,学生中,机关干部中,涌现出了更多的革命闯将。党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派,更加孤立了。

我国现代史上的文化革命运动,都是从学生运动开始,发展为工人运动和农民运动,发展为革命的知识分子同工人农民相结合。这是客观的规律。作为我国现代革命史开端的五四运动是这样,使我国社会主义革命进入一个新阶段的无产阶级文化大革命运动,也是这样。一九六七年,我国的无产阶级文化大革命将按照这个客观规律进一步地展开。

一九六七年,将是全国全面展开阶级斗争的一年。

一九六七年,将是无产阶级联合其他革命群众,向党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派和社会上的牛鬼蛇神,展开总攻击的一年。

一九六七年,将是更加深入地批判资产阶级反动路线,清除它的影响的一年。

一九六七年,将是一斗、二批、三改取得决定性的胜利的一年。

一九六七年,提到全党和全国革命群众面前的政治任务,主要是:

第一,在工厂和农村中,要根据毛主席和党中央“抓革命,促生产”的指示,大搞无产阶级文化大革命,促进人的思想革命化,推动工农业生产的发展。

工厂和农村的无产阶级文化大革命,都要按照文化革命的十六条办事,坚持让群众自己教育自己,自己解放自己,自己起来闹革命,任何人不能包办代替。四清运动要纳入文化大革命中去,在文化大革命中,解决四清问题和四清复查问题。

工厂和农村的无产阶级文化大革命,是极其重要的。工人和农民,是无产阶级文化大革命的主力军。必须放手发动工农群众,斗垮工矿企业和农村党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派,铲除一切资本主义和修正主义的旧东西。只有这样,才能把资本主义复辟的根子挖掉。

毛主席在抗日战争初期说过:“只有动员占全国人口百分之九十的工农大众,才能战胜帝国主义,才能战胜封建主义”。同样,在今天,只有“动员占全国人口百分之九十的工农大众”,才能战胜党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派,才能解决无产阶级和资产阶级谁战胜谁的问题。

无产阶级文化大革命一定要从机关里、学校里和文化各界里,发展到工矿企业和农村,让毛泽东思想去占领一切阵地。如果运动停留在机关、学校和文化各界里,无产阶级文化大革命就会半途而废。

一切抵制在工矿企业和农村中大搞无产阶级文化革命的论调,都是错误的。

有些糊涂人,把革命和生产对立起来,认为一搞文化大革命就要妨碍生产。因此,他们只抓生产,不抓革命。这些同志没有想一想,种田、织布、炼钢是为了什么?是要搞社会主义还是要搞资本主义?国际无产阶级专政的历史经验告诉我们,只有搞好无产阶级文化大革命,才能保证我们的经济建设沿着社会主义、共产主义道路前进。无产阶级文化大革命中出现的许多事实证明,凡是文化革命搞得好的地方,生产就有了很大的发展。革命只会促进社会生产力的发展,而不会妨碍社会生产力的发展,这是马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想的真理。

还有极少数人,他们借口抓生产来压制革命。他们表面上关心生产,其实他们关心的是自己的乌纱帽,是保存资产阶级的旧东西,害怕革命革到自己的头上来。当着群众起来大搞革命的时候,他们竟然挑动一些暂时受他们蒙蔽的人,停止生产,来对付革命群众。其中有的人,甚至同地、富、反、坏、右勾结起来,进行不可告人的勾当。这恰好暴露了他们执行的是资产阶级反动路线,甚至他们自己就是走资本主义道路的当权派,或者是快要成为走资本主义道路的当权派。

工矿企业和农村中的无产阶级文化大革命群众运动,是不可阻挡的历史潮流。一切阻挡这个潮流的论调,一切阻挡这个潮流的人,都将被革命群众送到垃圾堆里去。

第二,对于学校里和文化领域各界里的无产阶级文化大革命,要大力提倡革命师生、革命知识分子,有计划、有组织地到工厂去,到农村去,实行和广大工农群众相结合。

毛主席在一九三九年发表的《五四运动》和《青年运动的方向》里指出:

“知识分子如果不和工农民众相结合,则将一事无成。革命的或不革命的或反革命的知识分子的最后的分界,看其是否愿意并且实行和工农民众相结合。”

“全国知识青年和学生青年一定要和广大的工农群众结合在一块,和他们变成一体,才能形成一支强有力的军队。这是一支几万万人的军队呵!有了这支大军,才能攻破敌人的坚固阵地,才能攻破敌人的最后堡垒。”

毛主席在这里阐述的是一个普遍真理。和工农群众相结合,是新民主主义革命时期青年运动的方向,也是社会主义革命时期青年运动的方向。

在今天,也是这样:“革命的或不革命的或反革命的知识分子的最后的分界,看其是否愿意并且实行和工农民众相结合。”只有和工农群众相结合,才能真正树立无产阶级世界观,才能真正成为一个名副其实的无产阶级知识分子。

在今天,也是这样:知识青年、学生青年要下厂下乡,去和工农群众相结合,和他们变成一体,才能组织起几万万人的大军,攻破那些被党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派盘踞的阵地,取得无产阶级文化大革命的最后胜利。

下厂下乡和本单位斗、批、改,要作合理的安排。对于前一段本单位的斗争,要作必要的总结,进一步明确文化大革命中两条路线斗争的实质,分清大是大非,端正下厂下乡的态度和认识。

下厂下乡,要虚心向工农群众学习,甘当小学生,同工人农民一起劳动,一起学习,一起讨论文化革命问题,宣传毛主席的无产阶级革命路线,批判资产阶级反动路线。要眼睛向下,深入进行调查研究,和那里的革命群众组织相结合,不要自以为是,不要包办代替。

下厂下乡是完成本单位斗、批、改任务的重要条件。青年学生、青年知识分子,投到火热的工农群众运动中去,使自己的思想得到改造,就能更有力地斗争党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派,就能更明确地认清大辩论中的是非。只有工厂、农村彻底实现了无产阶级文化大革命,属于上层建筑的学校和文化各界的革命才能彻底完成。只有了解工厂、农村的实际,听取工人和农民的声音,才能切合实际地改革教育制度,教育内容,教学方法,才能有效地改造我们的文化团体和文化工作,真正地完全地做到为工农兵服务。

第三,充分发扬无产阶级专政条件下的大民主。这种大民主,就是在毛泽东思想统帅下,发动亿万群众,向社会主义的敌人举行总攻击,同时也是对各级领导机关和领导干部进行批评和监督。造成这样一种大民主的社会风气,对于巩固无产阶级专政,防止资本主义复辟,具有重大的深远的意义。

无产阶级大民主,是毛主席的群众路线的新发展,是毛泽东思想同亿万群众相结合的新形式。这种大民主,是群众自己教育自己,自己解放自己的最好的方法。广大群众在这种大民主运动中,以毛泽东思想为武器,分清敌我,分清是非。这种大民主,是学习毛泽东思想的最好的学校。

毛主席告诉我们:“民主这个东西,有时看来似乎是目的,实际上,只是一种手段。”我们运用大民主这个手段,要达到的目的,是实现无产阶级文化大革命,发展社会主义事业。背离了无产阶级和其他劳动人民的利益,背离了社会主义,背离了以毛主席为代表的无产阶级革命路线,就不可能有无产阶级的大民主,而只能是少数人对革命群众的压迫。

我们提倡的大民主,是在毛泽东思想集中指导下的大民主。群众之间的不同意见,要在毛泽东思想指导下,用摆事实、讲道理的方法进行辩论,而不能用强制的办法压制别人。在人民内部,如果只允许自己发表意见,不允许别人发表不同意见,那就违背了无产阶级大民主的原则。极少数别有用心的坏人,挑动被他们蒙蔽的群众进行武斗,来压制革命,这是破坏无产阶级的大民主,破坏无产阶级文化大革命,也是破坏无产阶级专政。

毛主席教导我们,在人民内部实行民主,对反动派实行专政。无产阶级专政,是实行无产阶级大民主的保障。无产阶级大民主,又是巩固无产阶级专政的。没有无产阶级大民主,无产阶级专政就有变成资产阶级专政的危险。没有无产阶级专政,就没有无产阶级的民主,不用说大民主,连小民主也不会有。在无产阶级文化大革命中,我们的无产阶级专政机构,必须坚决地毫不动摇地保证人民民主权利,保证大鸣、大放、大字报、大辩论、大串连的正常进行。对于确有证据的杀人、放火、放毒、制造交通事故进行暗害、里通外国、盗窃国家机密、搞破坏活动等现行反革命分子,必须实行专政,依法制裁。一切革命群众,都应当协助和监督我们国家的专政机构,执行保障无产阶级大民主的任务。对于那些思想反动、但没有违法行为的右派分子,还是要由群众用摆事实、讲道理的方法,同他们进行斗争。

第四,继续开展对资产阶级反动路线的群众性的批判。

在无产阶级文化大革命中出现资产阶级反动路线,绝不是偶然的。从我国进入社会主义革命阶段以来,就存在着以毛主席为代表的无产阶级革命路线同资产阶级反动路线的斗争,存在着是搞社会主义还是搞资本主义的斗争。在无产阶级文化大革命中提出反动路线的人,只是进一步地暴露了他们的资产阶级反动立场。

在工矿企业,在农村,在大中小学和文化各界里,在党政机关,在各个领域内,反掉资产阶级反动路线,并且清除它的影响,使人们真正从思想上解决问题,还要做许多深入细致的工作。对于这一点,我们必须有清醒的认识。

今后,在无产阶级文化大革命的工人运动中,农民运动中,学生运动中,在各个战线上,都要大破资产阶级反动路线,大立毛主席的无产阶级革命路线。这是把无产阶级文化大革命进行到底的关键。

党政机关的革命干部,要打破清规戒律和那些束缚革命的条条框框,到群众中去,同工人、农民和革命学生一起批判资产阶级反动路线,斗争党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派。通过无产阶级文化大革命的群众运动,使我们的党政机关,彻底实现无产阶级的革命化。

在批判资产阶级反动路线当中,对待犯路线错误的同志,要根据毛主席的教导,“实行惩前毖后、治病救人的方针,借以达到既要弄清思想又要团结同志这样两个目的。”至于极少数不肯回头,坚持错误,阳奉阴违的两面派,他们一定会被人民群众打倒,那是咎由自取。

中国共产党是伟大的、光荣的、正确的。党内走资本主义道路的当权派,只是一小撮人。绝大多数党员和干部是好的,是要革命的,经过这次无产阶级文化大革命群众运动的考验和锻炼,将更加坚强起来。

革命的左派队伍,要在批判资产阶级反动路线的斗争中,努力活学活用毛主席著作,进行提高和整顿。革命的左派队伍,要在毛泽东思想基础上加强团结。要进一步学习和掌握毛主席的战略和策略思想,善于争取和团结大多数,把顽固的敌人最大限度地孤立起来。在斗争中要严格区别敌我矛盾和人民内部矛盾,“注意把反党反社会主义的右派分子,同拥护党和社会主义、但也说过一些错话,做过一些错事或写过一些不好文章不好作品的人,严格区别开来”,“注意把资产阶级的反动学阀、反动‘权威’,同具有一般的资产阶级学术思想的人,严格区别开来”。经过运动,最后达到团结百分之九十五以上的干部,团结百分之九十五以上的群众。

党内一小撮走资本主义道路的当权派,极少数坚持资产阶级反动路线的顽固分子,一定还要玩弄新的花样,继续捣乱。同一切反动派一样,“他们对于革命人民所作的种种迫害,归根结底,只能促进人民的更广泛更剧烈的革命。”当然,同一切反动派一样,他们也是纸老虎。我们要像毛主席教导的那样,在战略上藐视他们,在战术上重视他们,坚持不懈地同他们进行斗争。

我们要在无产阶级文化大革命中,以无产阶级同资产阶级的阶级斗争、社会主义同资本主义两条道路的斗争、无产阶级革命路线同资产阶级反动路线的斗争为纲,结合大鸣、大放、大字报、大辩论,进一步响应高举毛泽东思想伟大红旗的林彪同志的号召,开展活学活用毛主席著作的群众运动,锻炼和壮大非常无产阶级化、非常战斗化的革命队伍,夺取一个又一个的新胜利。

在伟大的毛泽东思想旗帜下,

工人阶级联合起来,

工人阶级同贫下中农和其他劳动者联合起来,

一切劳动者同革命学生、革命知识分子、革命干部联合起来,

各族人民联合起来,

展开全国全面的阶级斗争,

把无产阶级文化大革命进行到底!

伟大的导师、伟大的领袖、伟大的统帅、伟大的舵手毛主席万岁!
  
  
  

 
 
顶端 Posted: 2009-06-13 06:40 | 1 楼
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