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 YAO WEN-YUAN: Letter to Mao Tse-tung, 11 October1967

YAO WEN-YUAN: Letter to Mao Tse-tung, 11 October1967


Chairman:

This time I returned to Shanghai for the National Day festival and stayed there for 12 days. During the period, I made some investigations. I convened several investigation meetings and took a look at the basic echelon, including the Diesel Plant where armed struggle had been most fierce. Once I got in touch with the masses, I learned a lot of new and lively things. I deeply felt that the important instructions Chairman Mao has recently put forward all reflect the inner demands of the broad masses of revolutionary people and touched on the most important and critical problems of the current revolutionary movement, and therefore, they possess boundless power. Take the training class for example. Cadres need it; so do the leaders of rebels. The No. 8 Dye Plant, which produces activated dye, has opened eight study classes since the establishment of the revolutionary committee in July. Each class lasting from one week to ten days studies the "three constantly read articles" and other works by the Chairman. Participants include regiment leaders of the rebel groups as well as those cadres who have committed mistakes. The class concentrates on solving two problems: 1. How to use the Chairman's thought as a guideline for ideological and political work; 2. How to deal with the masses correctly, unite the masses, and not to be divorced from the masses. After new cadres have held power, the main complaint by the workers is that they have seldom mingled with the masses. To study in this manner is very effective. Short-term study classes of this kind may be conducted by plants and other organizations. When they hear the Chairman's latest instructions, they immediately feel that they are the reflection of their innermost feelings.
   Several problems are covered by my investigation: 1. The problem of the National Party Congress and that of the Party; 2. The problem of having better troops and simpler administration; 3. The problem of mass criticism and repudiation; 4. The problem of great alliance. Now I shall report the first two problems to you, hoping to receive instructions from you.


1. THE PROBLEM OF THE NINTH PARTY CONGRESS

At four symposia (with the revolutionary committee, Red Guards, rebel Party members at factories and schools, and P.L.A. comrades), on the basis of Chairman Mao's instructions, I solicited opinions from the audience. I had expected that the participants would be surprised, but it was not so, since discussions had already taken place among the rebels. Apparently, the masses had been thinking about this matter.
   When should it be convened? The overwhelming majority believed that it should be held as early as possible. Most of them said it should be held in the first half of next year and should not be later than the fall of that year.
   How should the delegates be produced? Should they be selected from bottom to top, level by level? A few comrades thought it should be done in this way; however, most of them did not express definite opinions. They said: "In the past candidates were actually decided by the superior. After one year of the Cultural Revolution, the political failures of many people, whether good or bad, have been seen even more clearly, more clearly than at any previous times, therefore, delegates may be selected through consultations with concerned quarters and then approved by Party congresses of cities, districts, or neighborhoods." "It may be begun at the central level with the opening of the National Party Congress. When there is a program, it will be more advantageous for the Party congresses at each level to meet." "Chairman Mao has said that the form should not be restricted, but the content should be stressed; the name does not matter much, but essence is important." There were even some comrades who suggested: "The National People's Congress should be convened in the same way; it should be held at the same time with the Ninth Party Congress in order to solve the problem of Liu Shao-ch'i."
   Red Guards said: "A greater number of representatives from workers and Red Guards should be allowed to be present at the Congress." "It is better to absorb some workers and Red Guards into the Party."
   Shall Wang Ming be selected? Shall Liu [Shao-ch'i], Teng [Hsiao-p'ing], and Tao [Chu] be selected? Shall Peng [Chen], Lo [Jui-ch'ing], Lu [Ting-i], and Yang [Shang-kun] be selected? The consensus of opinion was that they should not be selected. "Wang Ming has become a citizen of the Soviet Union. Can we select a Russian agent?" "All renegades should not be selected, which is a big principle." "Liu Shao-ch'i is a renegade and he should be further criticized and liquidated." There were some who said: "Chairman Mao may decide to keep a few teachers of negative example, if so, we should listen to Chairman Mao. But, we hope there will not be too many, and they should first be thoroughly criticized." People generally know more about Liu than Teng.
   How about the leadership organ of the Party? Many comrades were of the opinion that it might take the form of the revolutionary committee. There is the Party nucleus in the revolutionary committee which is authorized to perform the functions of the municipal council. The good point about this is unified leadership which facilitates association with the masses and the thorough implementation of Chairman Mao's proletarian line. There was another opinion which was that when formal power organs are established in the future, the division of power between the municipal council and the municipal people's council will still be necessary, otherwise, it would be difficult to hold a people's congress, because, if a person is busy with government affairs, he will inevitably neglect Party affairs.
   Many comrades believed that in places where revolutionaries had already been established, the Party should have a leadership nucleus, and outstanding leaders of the rebel groups could be absorbed into the Party and allowed to frequently participate in the nucleus meeting of the Party. This nucleus meeting, just as has been pointed out by Chairman Mao, should not be formed subjectively or self-proclaimed; they should be naturally formed and developed in the course of struggle. Reorganization of the Party should not start from the basic level, but from the leadership organ. The districts, counties, and bureaus and units equivalent to bureaus in Shanghai had established 35 bodies of three-way alliance by October 5 with a total of 856 committee members of which 457 were Party members, representing 53 percent. A group of comparatively good Party members have already been elected to the leadership bodies by the revolutionary masses. Some outstanding revolutionaries have practically played the role of Party members. I believe this opinion is fairly reasonable and may be used as a reference. I do not know whether this is correct or not.
   Before the "January Revolution," few Party members joined rebels, generally from two to five percent. After January of this year, more Party members successively joined the rebels, the percentage varying from 40 to 80. The practical experience of class struggle has told us that our proletarian revolutionary party — the vanguard of the proletariat—must be formed on the foundation of revolutionary workers, revolutionary peasantry, revolutionary fighters, revolutionary intellectuals, and revolutionary cadres, and only in this way can we lead several tens of thousands of masses to carry the proletarian revolution through to the end. "The call for restoring the Party organization is not a good slogan; it will be easily distorted as meaning a return to the old situation." It should be called reorganization and transformation. The revisionist stuff of Liu Shao-ch'i needs continued vigorous criticism. These points warrant special attention: First, the question of the nature of the Party and its mission. Second, the question of the line of Party building. ("Those who have made a good performance in production and are obedient may be allowed to join the Party.") Third, the question of relationship with the masses. (This is a fundamental problem. Some party members manifested deep hatred when talking about how they had become "docile tools" for revisionism under the pernicious influence of Liu Shao-ch'i's black "Self-Cultivation" and how they had been deceived by the Liu-Teng line during the early period of the Cultural Revolution and thus took steps to suppress the masses.) Fourth, the question of democratic centralism and consolidating proletarian dictatorship. All this requires using the Mao Tse-tung thought to thoroughly criticize and repudiate Liu Shao-ch'i's revisionist viewpoints. Is this conclusion correct or not?
   A unanimous earnest wish is that Volume V of the Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung can be published before the opening of the Ninth Party Congress to provide historical material on the struggle between the two lines within the Party. Many Party members (particularly rebel groups of workers) have hoped to gain a greater understanding of the Party history, to learn the origin and development of the struggle between Chairman Mao's proletarian revolutionary line and the bourgeois counterrevolutionary line, and to know the historical background of certain personages. In the past, they could read the "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party," but now the document is no longer useful.


2. THE PROBLEM OF HAVING BETTER TROOPS AND SIMPLER ADMINISTRATION

This is an urgent problem.
   Over the past several months, staff members of the Municipal Revolutionary Committee have increased considerably. At present, there are 20 departments with 3,229 employees. There are 763 workers in the General Office alone, which does not include those of revolutionary mass organizations who have left their production posts. Anyway, this organization is too big. The bigger the structure, the greater the chances for bad elements of all types to penetrate and for leading cadres to be divorced from the masses. Once hit by the sugar-coated bullets of the bourgeoisie, they [leading cadres] will develop the mountain-stronghold mentality. The increase of personnel in some departments was due to the development of mountain-stronghold mentality. After consulting with Comrade Chun-chiao, we decided that at least half or two-thirds or even more of the personnel should be slashed.The ideological work in this respect is very difficult and important. We have already transmitted to leading cadres the Chairman's instructions concerning having better troops and simpler administration.
       The problems concerning the relationship between cadres and the masses, having better troops and simpler administration, and ideological and political work, and training classes as well as continuation of mass criticism must be given attention by special editorials of the People's Daily and Red Flag. And the Chairman's important instructions shall be quoted in these editorials. Is this consideration correct or not?
   Since January of this year, most of the rebel leaders have gradually become mature in the course of struggle and have learned how to hold and wield power for the proletariat. The situation is excellent and is becoming better and better. In cities and districts and at the basic level, we saw a large number of good cadres with high spirits who dared to make revolution and to shoulder the burden. But, there were also a small number of comrades who began to enjoy feasts, applause, flattery, and driving in sedans. Hit by the sugar-coated bullets of the bourgeoisie one by one, they began to be divorced from the masses and no longer desired to go deep among the masses and be their pupils. A Red Guard organization of middle school students wrote to us, criticizing some leaders for "seeking fame, fortune, limelight, and physical enjoyment." They voiced the hope that "a warning will be signaled in order to effect revolutionization." This reminded me of the brief episode of "three anti's" in 1949. In addition to study classes, Comrade Chun-chiao is prepared to hold a few small-sized meetings for educational purposes and for face-to-face talks.
   I am afraid that too much of your precious time may be taken away. Therefore my letter stops here.
   The report on the other two problems will be made later. Enclosed for your reference is a copy of the minutes of the symposium of Party members.

With a revolutionary salute of the proletariat.
Yao Wen-yuan


[Issues and Studies (Taipei), vol. vii, no. 1 (October 1971). Transcribed by www.wengewang.org]
  
  
  

 
 
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姚文元写给毛泽东的一封信
姚文元
1967.10.11




主席:

这次回上海过国庆节,住了十二天,作了一点调查工作,开了几次调查会,到基层去看了一下,前一时期打得最凶的柴油机厂也去了。一接触群众,学习到很多生动活泼的新东西,深深感到,主席最近所提出的一些重要指示,都是集中的反映了广大革命群众内心的要求,抓住了当前革命运动中最重要、最关键的问题,所以具有无穷无尽的力量。譬如办训练班吧,干部需要,造反派头头也需要。有一个染化八厂,是生产活性染料的,七月份成立革委会,到现在自己已经办了八期学习班,每期一周到十天,学习“老三篇”和其它主席著作,造反派中队委员以上参加,犯过错误的干部也参加,着重解决两个问题:1、如何用主席思想为指针,作好人的思想政治工作。2、正确对待群众,团结群众,怎样才能不脱离群众,新干部掌权后,工人主要一条意见就是到群众中去较少了。这样学,效果很好。这种短期学习班,厂可以办,其它地方更可以办。他们一听到主席最新指示,立刻感到真像说到他们心坎里。

调查了几个问题:一、“九大”和党的问题;二、精兵简政问题;三、大批判问题;四、大联合问题。现先将前面两个问题向主席报告,并望指示。

(一)“九大”问题

在四个座谈会(革委会、红卫兵、工厂和学校造反派党员、军队同志)上,根据毛主席的指示,征求了人们的意见,我们本以为大家会感到突然,其实不然,造反派中已经在议论了。可见群众心中是在思考这件事的。

什么时候开?绝大多数人的意见,都希望早开,多数主张在明年上半年,至迟不超过明年秋天。

代表怎么产生?是不是要从下而上一级一级的选上去?少数同志认为要这样,多数认为不一定。他们说:“过去选举其实候选人也是上面决定的。经过一年文化大革命。各种人的政治面貌,好人、坏人、看得更清楚了,比以前任何时候都清楚,代表可以各方面协商产生,在市、区里开党员大会通过”。“可以先从中央开始,开全国党代大会,有一个纲领,然后才开各级党代会,比较有利”。“毛主席说过,不在形式,而在内容,不在名称,而在实质”。还有些同志提出:“也可以用同样的办法开人大,可以和九大同时开,解决刘少奇的问题。”

红卫兵说:“要多一些工人和红卫兵代表列席大会”。“最好能吸收一批工人和红卫兵入党”。

王明选不选?“刘、邓、陶”选不选?彭、罗、陆、杨选不选?一致说不选。“王明已经是苏联人了,还能选个苏修特务?”“叛徒都不能选,这是一条大原则。”“刘少奇是叛徒,要进一步批透,清除出去!”也有人说:“恐怕毛主席还是要保留几个反面教员的,那就听毛主席的话,希望不要太多,并且先要批透。”对刘的情况,大家比较了解,对邓有些人不很了解。

党的领导机关怎么办?许多同志的意见是:可以参考革委会的形式,把党、政、军统一起来,革委会中有党的核心,执行市委会的职权。好处是一元化,容易联系群众,减少层次,有利于有力地贯彻毛主席的无产阶级革命路线,还有一种意见是:将来过渡到正式权力机构,还要分市委、市人委,不然开人代会有困难,由于忙于政务而忽略党务,有的人无处安排。

很多同志主张:在已建立革委会的地方,应当有一个党的领导核心,优秀的造反派头头可以吸收入党和经常参加党的核心会议。这种核心,正如毛主席所指出的,不应主观主义的去建立,也不是自封的,而是在斗争中自然形成的,并且在斗争中发展的,整顿党的组织。首先不是从基础而是从领导机关开始。上海各区、县、局及相当于局的单位,至十月五日,已经建立三结合班子的共三十五个,委员八百五十六人,其中,党员四百五十七人。占百分之五十三。一批较好的党员实际上已被革命群众选进领导班子。有些优秀的革命派实际上起着党员的作用,我认为:这种意见是有一定道理的,可以参考,不知是否妥当?

“一月革命”前,党员参加造反派的很少,一般只有百分之二至百分之五,到今年一月以后,一批党员就陆续参加造反派,其数百分之四十至百分之八十不等。阶级斗争实际,说明了我们的无产阶级革命党,无产阶级的先锋队,必须建立在革命的工人、革命的农民、革命的战士、革命的知识分子和革命的干部的基础上,才能领导几万万群众把无产阶级革命进行到底。“恢复党组织这个口号不妥,容易曲解为恢复原状。”应为整顿和改造。刘小奇一套修正主义货色,尚需继续大力批判。重点是:第一、党的性质任务问题。第二、建党路线问题(“生产好、听话、就可以入党”)。第三、对群众关系问题(这是根本问题,一些党员谈到因受黑“修养”的毒害而当修正主义的“驯服工具”以及文化大革命初期,又受刘邓路线蒙蔽,而压制群众。无不痛恨,有极深感受)。。第四。民主集中制问题及巩固无产阶级专政问题,这些都需要用毛泽东思想对刘少奇的那套修正主义观点作彻底的批判。不知这样综合是否对?

一致极其热烈地盼望:“九大”前“毛选”五卷能出版,能够有一个党内两条路线斗争历史的材料。许多党员(特别是工人造反派)希望更多了解党史,了解毛主席的无产阶级革命路线是怎样同资产阶级反动路线斗争中发展起来的,了解某些人物的历史面貌。因为过去都是看“关于若干历史问题的决议”,现在那个东西已经不能用了。

(二)精兵简政问题

这个问题很迫切。

这几个月中,市革委会人员大量增加。目前,有二十个工作部门三千二百二十九人。办公室下面就有七百六十三人。这还不包括各革命群众组织的脱产人员,无论如何。这个机构太庞大了。机构越大,各种坏人就会钻进来,领导干部就会脱离群众,被资产阶级糖衣炮弹打中,就必然会滋长山头主义,其中有一些部门(不是全部)人员增加正是由于山头主义在作怪,同春桥同志商量,至少要砍掉一半,三分之二以至更多,这个思想工作还是很艰巨的,主席关于精兵简政的指示我们已向领导干部传达了。

关于干部和群众关系问题、精兵简政问题、思想政治工作训练班等问题以及继续大批判问题,“人民日报”“红旗”是必须有专门的社论。主席的重要指示就在社论中分别引用。不知这样考虑对不对?

一月革命以来,十个月了,造反派的头头,大多数在斗争中逐步成熟起来,学习为无产阶级掌好权,用好权,形势大好,而且越来越好,在市和区、在基层中,我们见到了一大批敢于革命、敢于挑担子的生气勃勃的好干部。但也有一小部分同志开始被宴会、鼓掌、捧场、小汽车所陶醉,个别的被资产阶级糖衣炮弹所打中,开始脱离群众,不再那样如饥似渴的去深入群众,做群众的小学生。有一个中学生红卫兵组织,给我们写了一封信,批评了一些头头的“追求名利、出风头、享乐”的坏作风。希望“敲起警钟,起个革命化”。这使我回想起一九四九年到“三反”的那一段短短的历史。除学习班外,春桥同志准备开一些小会,进行教育和深入谈心。

怕多占用您十分宝贵的时间,这封信就写到这。

另外两个问题以后再报。选了一份党员座谈会记录,请主席参考。



无产阶级革命敬礼!

  姚文元
一九六七年十月十一日

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来源:1967年11月8日清华大学井冈山斗批改战团编印《学习资料》第36期

  
  
  
  

 
 
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