Dictatorship of the Proletariat And the Renegade Lin Piao
Dictatorship of the Proletariat And the Renegade Lin Piao
Dictatorship of the Proletariat And the Renegade Lin Piao
Dictatorship of the Proletariat And the Renegade Lin Piao
by the Mass Criticism Group of Peking and Tsinghua Universities
Source: Peking Review, No, 26, June 27, 1975
FOLLOWING the downfall of Khrushchov, the shameless renegade to the international communist movement, Chairman Mao in February 1965 made this widely known statement: "The Chinese revolution would not have been victorious if (here had been only positive teachers and no teachers by negative example. Those who belittle the role of teachers by negative example are not thoroughgoing dialectical materialists." like Khrushchov, the renegade to the dictatorship of the proletariat Lin Piao was another excellent teacher by negative example to the revolutionary people.
The criminal activities of the Lin Piao anti-Party clique not only represented the desire of the overthrown landlord and capitalist classes for a restoration, but also the demand of the newly engendered bourgeois elements to usurp power. For this reason, this clique's criminal activities are of great importance to us in understanding the law of class struggles in socialist society more deeply and in getting clear the question of exercising all-round dictatorship over the bourgeoisie.
Historical experience in the international communist movement tells us that after the proletariat has .seized political power, the danger of capitalist restoration conies from imperialist aggression and subversion internationally; domestically, the danger is from the overthrown but not yet extinct landlord and capitalist classes as well as from the new bourgeois elements arising under the conditions of socialism. Since the overthrown exploiting classes always dream of a comeback, we should by no means slacken our vigilance. It is no rarity in history that the proletariat, after seizing political power, has suffered defeat under the attack of the old bourgeoisie in collaboration with foreign reactionary forces. The 1871 Paris Commune and the 1919 Hungarian revolution left us with bloody lessons.
However, after a young proletarian political power has been initially stabilized and especially after the socialist transformation of the ownership of the means of production has in the main been completed, a newly engendered bourgeoisie poses a greater danger as the socialist revolution develops in depth. In the Soviet Union, 14 imperialist countries armed to the teeth tried in vain to strangle the new-born red political power founded by Lenin in its cradle; the Kolchak and Denikin bandit gangs for a period of time engulfed Soviet Russia in a counter-revolutionary conflagration; and at a later time the Kremlin was almost within the reach of the fascist Nazi generals. But they all met with ignominious defeat. It is the Soviet revisionist renegade clique — the very agents of the new bourgeoisie which Lenin had time and again warned the people to guard against — which has subverted the world's first socialist state of the dictatorship of the proletariat, a mission the old bourgeoisie failed to fulfil.
Waging struggles against the new bourgeoisie and gradually removing the soil on which it is engendered is an extremely important task of the proletariat in exercising all-round dictatorship over the bourgeoisie, it is precisely for this reason that Chairman Mao has repeatedly stressed the protracted and complex nature of class struggles in the period of socialism, as well as the danger of a capitalist restoration. Recently, he once again instructed us: "Why did Lenin speak of exercising dictatorship over the bourgeoisie? It is essential to gel this question clear. Lack of clarity on this question will lead to revisionism. This should be made known m the whole nation." He went on to say: "Our country at present practises a commodity system, the wage system is unequal, too, as in the eight-grade wage scale, and so forth. Under the dictatorship of the proletariat such things can only be restricted." This important instruction from Chairman Mao has developed the Marxist-Leninist theory on the dictatorship of the proletariat; it teaches us to strengthen all-round dictatorship over the bourgeoisie, restrict bourgeois right, gradually create conditions in which it will be impossible for the bourgeoisie to exist or for a new bourgeoisie to arise, and finally abolish classes. But Lin Piao, while protecting the old bourgeoisie, did his utmost to extend bourgeois right, fostered and developed new bourgeois forces, and ferociously attacked the dictatorship of the proletariat on their behalf. This fully reveals the true features of Lin Piao, the renegade to the dictatorship of the proletariat.
Lin Piao Tried His Utmost to Safeguard And Restore Private Ownership of Means of Production
While profoundly expounding the fundamental content of bourgeois right in his The State and Revolution, Lenin said: "'Bourgeois right” recognizes them [the means of production] as the private property of individuals." That Lin Piao spared no effort to extend bourgeois right was first and foremost demonstrated by his exertions to defend and restore private ownership of the means of production.
After nationwide liberation, we confiscated bureaucrat capital and abolished the imperialist and feudal systems' of ownership. The socialist transformation of agriculture, handicrafts and capitalist industry and commerce was completed in the main in 1956. These were important steps to abolish gradually bourgeois light in the system of ownership. As the political representative of the landlord and capitalist classes, Lin Piao was not reconciled to changing the system of ownership in China. He howled that of the various kinds of relations of production in the world, "the one which will raise productivity should be adopted." Whether in China or in other parts of the world, history and reality have eloquently proved that the capitalist system of ownership is like "the sun setting beyond the western hills" and that it shackles the development of the productive forces. The socialist system of public ownership, on the other hand, is full of vitality, displaying its great superiority and "permitting the productive forces to develop at a speed unattainable in the old society." (Mao Tsetung: On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People.) In China, where the socialist system of public ownership holds a dominant position and is clearly superior to the capitalist system of ownership, it was absurd for Lin Piao to say that we still had to make a choice between the two. Considering how he venomously assailed our prosperous socialist motherland, saying that "the national economy is stagnant," and how he lauded to the skies the decadent and declining capitalist system, was his vicious intent not as clear as daylight? His aim was to restore totally bourgeois right in the system of ownership of the means of production: That part of bourgeois right which already had been transformed was to be restored to its former status, while the other part which had not yet been transformed was to be treasured and carefully preserved. All this was to retain and expand the economic position for the development of the capitalist forces*
However, "socialism is everywhere advancing triumphantly, leaving all obstructions behind."
Contrary to Lin Piao's counter-revolutionary desire, China's socialist system of public ownership, guided by Chairman Mao's revolutionary line, has been steadily consolidated and developed in the course of struggle, and the system of private ownership has been increasingly restricted and reduced. This indeed was a calamity for Lin Piao. Unable to restrain his counterrevolutionary hatred, he instructed someone to write down the sinister words: "Collective ownership is better than state ownership. Individual ownership is better than collective ownership and engaging in illegal dealings is even better than individual ownership.'' The system of socialist public ownership, according to Lin Piao, should go back to the system of private ownership, and as regards the system of private ownership, those engaging in illegal dealings are the best. This confession aptly reveals Lin Piao's counterrevolutionary heart. By "those engaging in illegal dealings" he meant the new bourgeois overnight rich who had made big profits by underhand means. Lin Piao placed his counter-revolutionary hopes on "those engaging in illegal dealings," hoping that new bourgeois elements would multiply like poisonous mushrooms after a rain. This stripped Lin Piao of all his disguise and revealed to the people in the clearest terms what kind of system of ownership he wanted!
Ample facts prove that to change the socialist system of ownership, the representatives of the bourgeoisie generally do not openly use the label of private ownership by the capitalists, but they try to seize the leadership of economic units by the tactics of "the Monkey getting into the stomach of the Princess of the Iron Fan to play the devil." [An episode in Pilgrimage to the West, a Chinese classical novel, tells how Sun Wu-kung, the Monkey, changed himself into a tiny insect, found his way into the stomach of the Princess of the Iron Fan and thus defeated her. — Tr.] In socialist society, therefore, in judging the nature of an enterprise or a unit, we should not only look at its name or signboard, but should see what its content and essence are; that is to say, we should see which class controls the leadership and what line and policies are followed. Lin Piao concocted the so-called "general line to seize and defend political power —love the people and pay attention to production so as to administer state affairs well and ensure national security." This "general line" preached "love" of the old bourgeoisie without suppressing the reactionary activities of some of them; it preached that one should devote one's lime and attention entirely to production, without paying the slightest heed to politics, and let the new bourgeois elements grow freely. This is a downright counter-revolutionary revisionist line. The aim of this general line was to oppose the Party's basic line, transform our Party into a "production party" and a "party of the whole people" and stop us from paying attention to classes, class struggle, ideological and political line, and let the new and old bourgeois elements have their own way, even allowing them to usurp the leadership of the socialist economic units, thereby bringing about a change in the nature of the system of ownership. This is exactly what the Soviet revisionist renegade clique has done in subverting the dictatorship of the proletariat and restoring capitalism.
Lin Piao Spared No Effort to Extend Bourgeois Right
In the process of production, the relations between people and the form of distribution are determined by and react upon the system of ownership, and they play a decisive role under given conditions. Under the conditions of socialism, whether or not to restrict bourgeois right in these two aspects of the relations of production and to criticize the ideology of bourgeois right has a direct bearing on the consolidation and continued advance of the socialist system of ownership. In this respect Lin Piao sang an entirely different tune from that of the proletariat.
Turning Relations Between People Into Relations of Buying and Selling of Commodities. With the basic realization of the system of public ownership of the means of production in China, the working people have become masters of society, and the relations between them are brand-new socialist relations. Bourgeois right, however, still exists to a serious extent in the relations between people and the ideology of bourgeois right is still constantly corrupting people's minds. Therefore, Chairman Mao has all along paid great attention to educating the whole Party, the whole army and the people of the entire country in scientific communist world outlook, teaching us to completely and thoroughly serve the people and consciously resist erosion by the ideology of bourgeois right. Nourished by Mao Tsetung Thought, people like Lei Feng* have emerged everywhere in our socialist society and the lofty spirit of "utter devotion to others without any thought of self" has become the trend. A cunning two-faced counterrevolutionary, Lin Piao on the surface publicized that his maxim was serving the people; actually he hid himself in dark corners and preached the extremely decadent and reactionary world outlook of the exploiting classes. He wrote: "In relations between men — be selfish," and "Animals live by plundering. This is for everyone to follow." One of the chief members of the Lin Piao anti-Party clique also preached: "Relations between men are like those between wolves" and "It is impossible to make a bargain without recourse to deception." What unconcealed words! So the real maxims of Lin Piao and his gang on the relations between people are "wolves," "plundering," "deception" and "bargain"! "Be selfish." "wolves" and "deception" are not new inventions of Lin Piao and his gang. Lenin said in The Tasks of the Youth Leagues: "The old society was based on the principle: rob or be robbed." As to the relations between people, the bourgeois rule of conduct has always been one of big fish eating the small fish and everything is drowned in the frigid waters of egoism. Bourgeois philosophers long ago said: "Men treat one another like wolves." In exposing the mutual relations between people in capitalist society, Engels hit the nail on the head when he said that the principle of the strong bullying the weak with egomania as the core was the "Darwinian struggle of the individual for existence transferred from nature to society with intensified violence." (Anti-Duhring.)
It is not strange that Lin Piao and his gang fanatically agitated for "deception" and "bargaining" behind people's backs. Commodities are cells in capitalist society where everything becomes a commodity. The bourgeoisie "has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous 'cash payment.' " (Manifesto of the Communist Party.) Therefore, under capitalist society, relations between people are relations of buying and selling of commodities. Lin Piao and his gang made "plunder," "deception" and "bargaining" their principle and exerted then-efforts to extend bourgeois light in the realm of mutual relations between people. By doing so, they vainly hoped to transform the relations between people in socialist society into capitalist relations of trade in commodities, thereby changing socialist public ownership into private ownership so that they could carry out wild plunder and exploitation. This precisely reflected the wish of a handful of unreformed landlords, rich peasants, counterrevolutionaries, bad elements, Rightists and new bourgeois elements.
To subvert the dictatorship of the proletariat, Lin Piao and his gang introduced into the political life of the Party and the state the capitalist principle of the exchange of commodities. In the eyes of that commodity fetishist Lin Piao, politics was something like a big business transaction. To quote his own words: "It is a highly profitable business to do political work well." His so-called "never forgetting" politics is nothing but a synonym for never forgetting "highly profitable business." The Lin Piao anti-Party clique made counter-revolutionary political deals according to the capitalist principle of exchange of commodities. If you pledge loyalty to me, I will offer you higher official posts. In this way, he lured people over to form a clique, organized a sinister headquarters and rigged up big and small "fleets" (the code name for the counterrevolutionary detachments organized by Lin Piao and his gang). They were a pack of counter-revolutionary political speculators. Following this principle, Lin Piao advertised that "human relations are more important than the laws of a king.'' His so-called "human relations," to put it bluntly, were nothing but market prices for capitalist commodity exchange. Lin Piao resorted to such sleight of hand to incite the new bourgeois elements to break both the Party's discipline and the law of the state at will, so as to pave the way for them to restore capitalism.
What would become of our Party and what would become of our socialist comradeship and our state if these principles advocated by Lin Piao were applied to relations between people, such as "be selfish," '"live by plundering," and "it is impossible to make a bargain without recourse to deception"? The answer to all these questions can be found somewhere else in the world today, i.e., the Soviet Union under the rule of the new bourgeoisie. A handful of new bourgeois party tyrants and big and small bureaucrats in that country are ravaging the masses of Soviet workers and peasants like wolves; callous cash payment has infiltrated every corner and bourgeois principles such as "it is impossible to make a bargain without recourse to deception" are being practised in every trade and profession; the world's first socialist country of the dictatorship of the proletariat has degenerated into a social-imperialist country and world domination has become the fundamental content of its foreign policy. Like the colonial pirates of old, the banner of this country clearly bears such markings as "wolves," "plunder," "deception" and "bargain."
Material Incentives Advocated. In China, the form of distribution in both the ownership by the whole people and collective ownership is to each according to his work, and bourgeois right holds a dominant position in distribution. In carrying out distribution according to work, it is therefore necessary to restrict the bourgeois right embodied in it. But Lin Piao, parroting the Soviet revisionists, praised to the skies the fallacy that "material incentives are still necessary." Proceeding from the principle of material incentives, Lin Piao raised a hue and cry that of the "two factors" in the process of production — the role of people and the role of technique — "the most important is man's treatment (salary and position)." He also instructed others to find the ruling method of the exploiting classes from the ancient works, and copied it down. It read: "Tai Kung [His surname was Chiang and he helped King Wen of Chou, founder of the Chou Dynasty, overthrow the Shang Dynasty in the 11th century B.C.] said: 'If the fishing line is thin and the bait clear, small fish will cat it; if the fishing line is straight and the bail smells good, medium-sized fish will eat it; if the fishing line is thick and the bait plentiful, big fish will eat it.'" "Therefore if one catches fish with ball, the fish will be killed; if one wins the people's hearts with emoluments, everybody will follow you." Lin Piao annotated in the margin: "Such is the principle of wages." "the big role of wages" and so on. To take material incentives as the formula and wages and treatment as the bait — this was Lin Piao's "fundamental principle" in his great effort to extend bourgeois right in distribution.
Whose formula does this "material incentive" belong to? It is the formula of the revisionists! It is an out-and-out formula of the bourgeoisie! A capitalist is only capital personified and the most powerful incentive he knows is that of surplus-value, profit. "For it nothing exists in this world, except for the sake of money, itself not excluded. It knows no bliss save that of rapid gain, no pain save that of losing gold." (Engels: The Condition of the Working-Class in England.) In Capital, Marx quoted the following passage which vividly portrays how "miraculously efficacious" "material incentives" are for the bourgeoisie: "With adequate profit, capital is very bold. A certain 10 per cent will ensure its employment anywhere; 20 per cent certain will produce eagerness; 50 per cent, positive audacity; 100 per cent will make it ready to trample on all human laws; 300 per cent, and there is not a crime at which it will scruple, nor a risk it will not run, even to the chance of its owner being hanged." Bourgeois economics, in its entirety, takes "material incentive" as its basic principle. That Lin Piao took such decadent and putrid trash as his "formula" was for the purpose of using this capitalist principle to incite people to seek personal fame and gain, enhance their "enthusiasm" for capitalism and poison the minds of the masses, the youth in particular. His futile attempt was to convert the proletarian policy of "grasping revolution, promoting production and other work and preparedness against war" into the revisionist policy of the Soviet revisionists, who claim that "the ruble is the locomotive," and foster and develop the forces of the new bourgeoisie.
Lin Piao and his gang made a big clamour about the question of wages, using the principle of "to each according to his work" as a cover for their conspiracy. This was a sinister scheme, pure and simple. In reality, what they wanted was to carry out distribution according to the amount of capital and power each has. Not in the least satisfied with their legitimate income, they wanted to follow in the footsteps of the reactionary ruling classes of the past, expand without restraint special privileges and grab more wealth. Working overtime to advocate "inducing others with high official posts, fostering them with handsome emoluments and appointing them to posts of great power," Lin Piao and company did all they could to use "high official posts," "handsome emoluments" and "great power" to foster a group of new bourgeois elements who would be their counter-revolutionary backbone force in pushing a restoration line. Lin Piao grabbed himself "handsome emoluments" through abusing the power he had usurped and by various illegal means. Politically a counter-revolutionary careerist, lie was at the same time a thoroughly rotten embezzler and grafter.
Lin Piao's Destruction Was Historically Inevitable
The new bourgeois elements’ appetite is insatiable. They are out not only to grab economic gains but to seize political power as well. They know very well that so long as political power is in the hands of the proletariat their shameless schemes to extend bourgeois right and seek .special privileges without restraint inevitably will be checked by the dictatorship of the proletariat. They also know that their underhand machinations such as graft, theft and speculation will inevitably be punished by the dictatorship of the proletariat. Their depraved and extravagant way of living can only be carried out in dark corners. Once they are discovered and caught red-handed, the dictatorship of the proletariat will clean out their dens of iniquity built up so assiduously over the years. Consequently, these new bourgeois elements, like the old exploiting classes, focus their counter-revolutionary class hatred on the dictatorship of the proletariat. When Lin Piao said that "without political power, everything will be lost," he clearly expressed the grief of the overthrown landlord and capitalist classes and the lesson they had drawn from their defeat. Another saying of Lin Piao's — "we have everything once we have political power" — bared the never-ending greed of the new bourgeois elements who would avidly swallow up at one gulp the wealth of the whole society if they could do so; it also reflected their unbridled ambition to overthrow the dictatorship of the proletariat and set up a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie in order to open the way for the unrestricted spread of capitalism.
The inveterate hatred of the old exploiters, as expressed in the words "without political power, everything will be lost," and the new bourgeois elements' Wild ambitions embodied in the expression "we have everything once we have political power" infused the Lin Piao anti-Party clique with a mad desperadoism to seize and usurp political power. They trotted out the nonsense that only Lin Piao could "directly command" the army. Time and again they opposed Chairman Mao's repeated instruction that the state would not have a chairman, their vain attempt was to seize supreme power in the Party and the state. After their counter-revolutionary coup d'etat at the Second Plenary Session of the Ninth Central Committee of the Party was smashed, they concocted their Outline of Project "571" to launch an armed counter-revolutionary coup d'etat in a futile attempt to assassinate our great leader Chairman Mao. All these prove that under the dictatorship of the proletariat, the struggle between the bourgeoisie trying to seize power and the proletariat fighting against it is a tremendous life-and-death class struggle.
For a brief period the Lin Piao anti-Party clique ran wild, but it soon met with ignominious defeat. This reflects the decadent, weak nature of the classes the clique represented. All reactionaries look at the objective situation with the eyes of idealists. In their plan for an armed counter-revolutionary coup d'etat entitled Outline of Project "571," Lin Piao and his gang arrogantly proclaimed that "the leadership has historically fallen on our 'fleets.'" How eager these representatives of the new bourgeoisie were for battle and to be counter-revolutionary commanders in subverting the dictatorship of the proletariat! But these frantic activities of the "new" bourgeoisie against the dictatorship of the proletariat were nothing more than the death-bed struggles of the old system. Their decadence, and weakness caused them not only to pick up the doctrines of Confucius and Mencius — the ideological weapon of all the reactionary moribund classes in China's history — but also to seek the backing of international imperialism. Because of their common class basis as members of the new bourgeoisie and because revisionism is an international ideological trend, the Lin Piao anti-Party clique inevitably threw itself into the embrace of social-imperialism and leaned on the Soviet revisionist renegade clique as a prop. But none of this was of any help at all to the counter-revolutionary cause of the Lin Piao anti-Party clique. What had historically fallen on their heads was nothing but the iron fist of the dictatorship of the proletariat. This is the inevitability of history.
(A slightly abridged translation of an article in "Hongqi," No. 5, 1975. Subheads are ours.)
* Lei Fong, a member of the Chinese Communist Party and a squad leader in an engineering corps of the Shenyang Units of the Chinese People's Liberation Army, was born in a poor-peasant family in Changsha, Hunan Province, in W'i9. He painstakingly studied Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought and had a clear-cut proletarian stand. Dedicated to the revolution in word and deed, he was praised for his communist style of devotion to the public interests without any thought of himself and for his fearless proletarian fighting will. He died a martyr on August 15, 1962 while on duty. On March 5, 1963, the inscription "Learn from Comrade Lei Feng," in Chairman Mao's own handwriting, was published in the press; Lei Feng's advanced ideas and heroic actions have greatly inspired the people of the whole country, the youth and children in particular.
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