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 Continuing the Struggle to Consolidate The Dictatorship of the Proletariat

图片:
图片:
Continuing the Struggle to Consolidate The Dictatorship of the Proletariat

by the Chinese Communist Party Committee of the Peking Hsinhua Printing House

Source: Peking Review, No. 2, January 9, 1970
Transcribed by www.wengewang.org


    THE great year of 1970 has arrived. At the beginning of this new year, with the most profound proletarian feelings and from the bottom of our hearts, we wish our great leader Chairman Mao a long, long life!
   1969 was a year in which the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution continued to win great victories. With the solicitude of the great leader Chairman Mao and the enthusiastic help of the Mao Tsetung Thought propaganda team of P.L.A. Unit 8341 stationed in the plant — the kinsmen sent by Chairman Mao — our plant, like others throughout the country, saw a profound change.
   On the basis of unfolding revolutionary mass criticism and purifying the class ranks, we took Chairman Mao's programme for Party building as our guide and carried out the work to consolidate and build the Party organization with the masses participating. Proceeding from ideological consolidation, we re-educated the Party members In general in Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought. We regarded the process of consolidating1 and building the Party as one for raising Party members' consciousness of class struggle and the struggle between the- two Lines and for strengthening their consciousness of continuing the revolution as well as a process for strengthening the proletarian Party spirit and further overcoming bourgeois factionalism. While "eliminating waste matter," we strengthened our education of those Party members who had committed errors, and made a comprehensive, historical and dialectical analysis of each case with the stress on educating them in the struggle between the two lines. In line with the principle of doing our work actively and carefully, we admitted new blood into the Party in good time and, at the same time, elected a number of outstanding Communists to the leading bodies of Party organizations at various levels. The leading bodies of the Party branches in all the workshops were elected by the Party members after full discussion by both Party members and the non-Party masses. After that, the new Party committee was finally elected following repeated discussion and consultation. According to the provisions of the new Party Constitution, the relationship between the Party committee and the revolutionary committee is one in which the former leads the latter. The Party organizations at all levels in our plant have become militant headquarters that give prominence to proletarian politics, grasp revolution and promote production; unified Party leadership has thus been initially realized.
   Fighting consciously against the class enemies and bourgeois "self" in their minds and working hard to overcome technical difficulties, the revolutionary workers are continually tempering their loyalty to the great leader Chairman Mao and their thoroughgoing revolutionary spirit of "fearing neither hardship nor death" in the three great revolutionary movements — class struggle, the struggle for production and scientific experiment. This has greatly raised their consciousness of class struggle and the struggle between the two lines, and political enthusiasm is soaring as never before.
   Revolution promotes production; consciousness changes into matter. The revolutionary workers of the whole plant regard printing Chairman Mao's works and Chairman Mao's brilliant portraits as a most glorious task, and they work day and night alongside the machines. Full of pride, they say: "Bats fear the sun most; imperialism, revisionism and all reaction fear most the invincible Mao Tsetung Thought. We'll print Chairman Mao's works in great numbers, at a fast speed and of good quality, thereby producing more spiritual atom bombs and dealing blows at imperialism, revisionism and reaction with our deeds." Last year we produced 4.3 million sets of Chairman Mao's works, more than three times as many as the total for the three years 1963-65. We also printed 1,612 million brilliant portraits of Chairman Mao in various sizes, 54 times as many as the total for the same three years.
   We owed these successes entirely to the great leader Chairman Mao, to the invincible Mao Tsetung Thought and to Chairman Mao's proletarian revolutionary line.
   With the development of the struggle-criticism-transformation movement in depth, what attitude should we take towards our successes under the new conditions? Should we be satisfied and mark time or should we make these successes the starting point from which to continue to advance? This was an important question of whether or not we could lead the Party members and workers to continue the revolution.
   Having completed several phases of the struggle-criticism-transformation, some people in our plant felt that they could pause and take a rest. As they saw it, those cadres who had made mistakes, like those of the capitalist roaders, were liberated after they had been criticized and helped by the masses and after they had come to an awakening; regarding the exposed renegades, enemy agents and counter-revolutionaries, decisions were passed on them and they were dealt with accordingly; the administrative structure was simplified, the Party organization was consolidated, and a new Party committee was set up. Thus the outstanding questions were mainly those of changing the regulations and increasing production. Though this was what some people thought, it was a reflection under the new conditions of the pernicious influence left over by the renegade, hidden traitor and scab Liu Shao-chi's theory of "the dying out of class struggle," and was a stumbling block on the road of continuing the revolution.
   The great leader Chairman Mao has pointed out: "We have won great victory. But the defeated class will still struggle. These people arc still around and this class still exists. Therefore, we cannot speak of final victory. Not even for decades. We must not lose our vigilance." If we only see the excellent situation and the successes already won but not the new trends in class struggle, the splendid victories of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution will be impaired, and this would be detrimental to the further consolidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
   For the revolution to continue to advance, we organized the Party members and the masses to study again and again Chairman Mao's great teaching: "Unite for one purpose, that is, the consolidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat. This must be fully achieved in every factory, village, office and school." Everyone came to understand that, under the new conditions, the form of class struggle might change, but the class enemy's nature of attacking the proletariat had not changed. Therefore, the main content of continuing the revolution was still the question of the further consolidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The actual situation in the class struggle in our plant shows that today, when the Great Cultural Revolution has won great victories, there are still classes, class contradictions and class struggle, and there is the struggle between the socialist road and the capitalist road. Under the new conditions, the harmful of class enemies concealed themselves still more ail fully; they became more cunning, and their methods more vicious than ever. Some took advantage of the implementation of the Party's policies, dressed themselves up as victims and openly tried to reverse the correct verdicts passed on them. Some fanned the flames of anarchism and utilized it to undermine revolutionary concentration and unity. Some made use of the readjustment and filling in of the administrative structure and the admission of new members into the Party to incite bourgeois factionalism and sabotage the newborn proletarian political power. Some seized the opportunity of changes in irrational rules and regulations to advocate counter-revolutionary economism in a vain attempt to lead some people astray in pursuit of material benefits. These vivid facts told us that we must never be complacent and relax, for the handful of class enemies had not slackened their attack on the proletariat simply because we had won victories.
   In Chairman Mao's programme for Party consolidation and building, special emphasis is laid on the Party organization being capable of leading the proletariat and the revolutionary masses in the fight against the class enemy. This is extremely important. To continue the revolution, it is necessary to vigorously grasp class struggle and persist in the sustained fight against the class enemy. When the work of purifying the class ranks in our plant had in the main come to an end, we still persisted in the four "don't stops" in order to ferret out the handful of deeply entrenched class enemies — don't stop revolutionary mass criticism; don't stop using the Party's policies to soften up the class enemies; don't stop arousing the masses to give information about and expose the class enemies; don't stop making investigations and studying.
   Persisting in the sustained fight against the class enemy, resolutely implementing the whole series of Chairman Mao's proletarian policies, and basing ourselves on the victories already achieved in purifying the class ranks, we again dug out a handful of renegades, enemy agents and counter-revolutionaries and further isolated the most die-hard class enemies and hit them where it hurt.
   An objective reality, class struggle is inevitably reflected in our minds. While fighting the class enemy, we also firmly grasped class struggle in the ideological field and persisted in the protracted struggle of fighting self and criticizing revisionism. As Chairman Mao pointed out: "In the realm of politics and ideology, a very long period of time is needed to decide 'who will win' in the struggle between socialism and capitalism. Several decades won't do it; success requires anywhere from one to several centuries."
   As the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution developed in depth, one of the chief methods the class enemy used in attacking the proletariat was to take advantage of the ideological weaknesses of some of our comrades, especially some young comrades, and try to corrode and poison their minds. While everything might seem to be quiet on the surface and nothing wrong could be detected, actually a fierce and complex class struggle was going on underneath. If we failed to grasp class struggle in the ideological field and use Mao Tsetung Thought to overcome the ideology of the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes, then our political power was liable to be wrested from us again by the bourgeoisie.
   We firmly carried out revolutionary mass criticism in the light of outstanding questions in the class struggle in the ideological field at different times, concentrating our forces and devoting a period of time to launch an offensive and a "war of annihilation." There was a time when anarchist trends showed up in our plant and wrong ideas and conduct were reflected in many ways. In view of this, we mobilized all the workers and their families to carry out a deep-going criticism of anarchist trends. Helped and educated by the masses, those who had been influenced by these reactionary ideas quickly raised their level of consciousness and strengthened their sense of organization and discipline.
   Class struggle in the ideological field manifests itself, to a large extent, in contradictions among the people. This is expressed in people's world outlook, their political understanding and ideology, their work and life, Our chief method for solving this question was perseverance in giving positive education and doing meticulous ideological and political work, stressing the conscious remoulding of one's world outlook. Once when a worker was assigned a new task, he used this opportunity to show off because of his egotism. A deviation in his thinking resulted in a bungle and the plate he made was splotched. Leading members of the workshop helped him recognize his mistake by studying Chairman Mao's works with him, and they mobilized other workers on the same night shift to help wipe out the spots and make the plate smooth. This moved him greatly. Making a conscious self-criticism, he said: "The comrades have not only got rid of the spots, but more important, they have helped me eliminate the revisionist poison in my mind."
   In handling contradictions among the people, we saw to it that mistaken ideas were criticized and wrong trends and conduct struggled against, the aim being to help people learn from past mistakes to avoid future ones, and cure the sickness to save the patient; our criticism was severe, but we were lenient when it came to taking disciplinary measures. In this way more people were helped through education, and we united with the great majority, educated all who could be educated and brought into play whatever positive forces could he turned to advantage.
   Chairman Mao has pointed out: "One of our current important tasks on the ideological front is to unfold criticism of revisionism." Revolutionary mass criticism is a sharp weapon in the fight against both the class enemy and all kinds of erroneous tendencies and ideas within the revolutionary ranks. It is also a powerful motive force in propelling all kinds of work. Without carrying out revolutionary mass criticism, we cannot continue the revolution.
   In accomplishing the various tasks, we have consistently and perseveringly carried out sustained revolutionary mass criticism to thoroughly eliminate the counter-revolutionary revisionist poison spread by Liu Shao-chi, such as the sinister "six theories,"* "material incentives," "relying on experts to run the factories," and the "slavish comprador philosophy.** Regarding revolutionary mass criticism, we paid attention to the three "firmly grasps":
   Firmly grasping the new trends in class struggle to repeatedly launch mass criticism. At one time, a section of the cadres and masses relaxed their revolutionary vigilance and there was a false sense of peace and tranquillity among them. We caught a bad egg who had purposely caused a machine breakdown in order to sabotage production. Using this living example, we carried out criticism and struggle with reference to Liu Shao-chi's theory of "the dying out of class struggle." The more we criticized, the more we hated the class enemy and the higher we raised our revolutionary vigilance.

Firmly grasping the new characteristics of class struggle in the ideological field to carry out a deep-going mass criticism. There are quite a number of young workers in our plant, roughly one-fourth of the total. Nurtured by Mao Tsetung Thought and helped by the veteran workers, they have made rapid progress politically since coming to the plant But having had no experience of suffering in the old society, they are "unable to see the contrast between the old China and the new" and they have not remoulded their world outlook well even though they have joined the workers' ranks and wear workers' clothes. Very often they are the persons over whom the bourgeoisie and the proletariat wage a fierce struggle In order to win them over. The mind of one young worker who, for ten years and more, had read a great many feudal, bourgeois and revisionist novels, was deeply poisoned and he went astray because he sought the bourgeois way of life. From this example, everyone felt that though the young worker was a victim, the cause lay in the renegade Liu Shao-chi. So we relentlessly criticized Liu Shao-chi's theory of "the dying out of class struggle." This helped the few victims to receive a profound education and resolutely repudiate bourgeois ideas, and also enabled the masses to raise their political consciousness and strengthen their immunity from reactionary ideas.
   Firmly grasping problems which crop up in production in order to carry out timely mass criticism. Our letterpress workshop at one time continually turned out rejects and below standard products. What was the cause? We made an investigation. Using the "three constantly read articles" as their maxims, the worker comrades In charge of many of the printing machines made strict demands on themselves and maintained a consistent record of high quality for the printed matter they produced. There was one machine, however, which once had nearly 5,000 rejects out of 200,000 printed sheets. Why was the result different when the machine* were the same? We mobilized the masses to analyse the situation. Everyone felt that the cause resulted from the pernicious influence of "putting bonuses in command" and "material incentives'* pushed by Liu Shao-chi which had not been done away with. This influence was reflected in such talk as: "Whether we do our job well or not, we get the same pay every month." We held an on-the-spot criticism meeting to repudiate the counter-revolutionary revisionist poison, enabling everyone to see that production problems also were a reflection of class struggle. Production snags and errors were thus quickly eliminated, and the result was a rise in the quality of the products.
   As we look ahead, we can see 1970 will be a year in which China's socialist revolution and socialist construction will be crowned with still greater successes, a year in which the revolutionary people of the whole world will win still greater victories in their struggle against U.S. imperialism and Soviet revisionism. Our fighting spirit is high and we are full of confidence. In the new year, the Party committee and all the revolutionary workers of our plant are determined to rally still more closely around the Party's Central Committee with Chairman Mao as its leader and Vice-Chairman Lin as its deputy leader, further implement Chairman Mao's great strategic principle "Be prepared against war, be prepared against natural disasters, and do everything for the people," carry out the mass movement for the living study and application of Mao Tsetung Thought in a still more extensive and deep-going way, strengthen Party building and do a good job in revolutionizing the ideology of the leading group. We are determined to forge ahead along the brood road of continuing the revolution and, with the greatest political zeal and revolutionary enthusiasm, do a good job of printing Chairman Mao's brilliant works and portraits, and contribute our best to spreading the invincible Mao Tsetung Thought
  
* The sinister "six theories" are the theory of "the dying out of claw struggle." the theory of "docile tools." the theory that "the masses are backward." the theory of "joining the Party in order to climb up," the theory of "inner-Party peace" and the theory of "merging private and public interests."


  
  
  

 
 
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