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 Resolution of 8th Plenary Session of 8th CC of C.P.C. Concerning the Anti-Party Clique

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Resolution of 8th Plenary Session of 8th Central Committee of C.P.C. Concerning the Anti-Party Clique Headed by Peng Teh-huai

(Excerpts)

August 16, 1959

Source: Peking Review, No. 34, August 18. 1967
Transcribed by www.wengewang.org


   (1) In the period before the Central Committee of the Party convened an enlarged session of the Political Bureau at Lushan in July 1959 and during the Lushan Meeting, a fierce onslaught on the Party's general line, the great leap forward and the people's communes was made inside our Party by the Right opportunist anti-Party clique which was headed by Peng Teh-huai and which included a handful of others, such as Huang Ke-cheng, Chang Wen-tien and Chou Hsiao-chou. This onslaught came at a time when the reactionary forces at home and abroad were exploiting certain transient and partial shortcomings in our great movements — the great leap forward and the people's communes — to intensify their attack on our Party and people. An attack at such a juncture launched from inside the Party, particularly inside the Central Committee, is clearly more dangerous than an attack from outside the Party. The Eighth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Party holds that to take resolute action and crush the activities of the Right opportunist anti-Party clique headed by Peng Teh-huai is absolutely necessary not only for safeguarding the Party's general line, but also for safeguarding the leadership of the Party's Central Committee headed by Comrade Mao Tse-tung, the unity of the Party and the socialist cause of the Party and the people.
   (2) The activities of the anti-Party clique headed by Peng Teh-huai aimed at splitting the Party have been going on for a long time. The letter setting out his views which Peng Teh-huai wrote to Comrade Mao Tse-tung on July 14, 1959, in the early stage of the Lushan Meeting and his speeches and remarks in the course of the meeting represent the platform of the Right opportunists in their attack on the Party. For all his outward pretensions of support for the general line and for Comrade Mao Tse-tung, in substance his letter, speeches and remarks incited those elements within our Party who have Rightist ideas or bear a grudge against the Party and those political speculators and alien class elements who have sneaked into the Party to rise up and launch a fierce onslaught on the Party's general line and the leadership of the Central Committee and Comrade Mao Tse-lung in response to the slanders of the domestic and foreign reactionaries. Peng Teh-huai has collected those transient and partial shortcomings, which have either long since been or are rapidly being overcome, exaggerated them out of all proportion and painted a pitch-black picture of the present situation in the country. In essence he negates the victory of the general line and the achievements of the great leap forward, and is opposed to the high-speed development of the national economy, to the movement for high yields on the agricultural front, to the mass movement to make iron and steel, to the people's commune movement, to the mass movements in economic construction, and to Party leadership in socialist construction, that is, to "putting politics in command." In his letter he brazenly slandered as "petty-bourgeois fanaticism" the revolutionary zeal of the Party and of hundreds of millions of people. Time and again in his remarks he went so far as to assert that "if the Chinese workers and peasants were not as good as they are, a Hungarian incident would have occurred in China and it would have been necessary to invite Soviet troops in." It is obvious that the mistakes he has made are not in the nature of isolated mistakes, but are mistakes of a Right opportunist line, which in nature are against the Party, against the people and against socialism.
   (3) The mass of facts brought to light at the Eighth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee, including those admitted by Peng Teh-huai, Huang Ke-cheng, Chang Wen-tien, Chou Hsiao-chou and others and those disclosed by their accomplices and followers, prove that the activities of the anti-Party clique headed by Peng Teh-huai prior to and during the Lushan Meeting were purposive, prepared, planned and organized. They represent a continuation and development of the case of the anti-Party alliance of Kao Kang and Jao Shu-shih. Investigation has now established that Peng Teh-huai and Huang Ke-cheng long ago formed an anti-Party alliance with Kao Kang, of which they were important members. Chang Wen-tien, too, participated in Kao Kang's factional activities. During the struggle against the Kao-Jao anti-Party alliance, the Central Committee of the Party was already in possession of certain facts about Peng Teh-huai's and Huang Ke-cheng's participation in that alliance. The Central Committee seriously criticized them, hoping that thoy would learn the lesson and repent, and it did not go deeply into the matter. Ostensibly Peng Teh-huai and Huang Ke-cheng made a self-criticism; actually, far from recognizing and rectifying their mistakes, for a long time they concealed from the Party certain important facts concerning their participation in the activities of the Kao-Jao an'i-Party alliance and even continued to expand their divisive anti-Party activities. To realize his personal ambitions, Peng Teh-huai has long been making vicious attacks and spreading slanders inside the Party and the armed forces against Comrade Mao Tse-tung, the leader of the Party, and against other leading comrades of the Central Committee and its Military Commission. In his factional activities which were aimed at splitting the Party, he has resorted to such methods as promising official promotions, trafficking in flattery and favours, first attacking and then cajoling, creating dissension, and spreading rumours, lies and slanders. Since the great leap forward in 1958, the whole Party and people have been united as one and have been working hard. .(Transcribed by www.wengewang.org) But Peng Teh-huai painstakingly schemed to undermine the leadership of the Central Committee, carried out anti-Party activities and, together with his accomplices and followers, looked for the opportune moment to launch an attack on the Party and Comrade Mao Tse-tung. He took the Lushan Meeting as the opportune moment. Because of his position in the Central Committee and in the People's Liberation Army, and also because of his tactics of feigning candour and frugality, Peng Teh-huai's activities could and did mislead a number of people; they are fraught with danger for the future of the Party and the People's Liberation Army. Precisely for this reason, it has necessarily become an important task of the Party and of all who are loyal to the Party, to the People's Liberation Army and the cause of socialism to expose this hypocrite, this careerist and conspirator, in his true colours and to put an end to his divisive anti-Party activities.
   (4) Peng Teh-huai's present mistake is not accidental. It has deep social, historical and ideological roots. He and his accomplices and followers are essentially representatives of the bourgeoisie who joined our Party during the democratic revolution. Peng Teh-huai joined the Party and the revolutionary army led by the Party with the idea of "investing in a share." He only wants to lead others, to lead the collective, but does not want to be led by others, to be led by the collective. He does not look upon the achievements in the revolutionary work for which he is responsible as achievements in the struggle conducted by the Party and the people, but instead takes all the credit himself. Indeed, his anti-Party activities reflect the kind of class struggle in which the Chinese bourgeoisie opposes the proletarian socialist revolution and attempts to remould the Party, the army and the world in its own bourgeois image. Since his world outlook is incompatible with revolutionary proletarian Marxism-Leninism and runs directly counter to it, inside the Party he is naturally unwilling to accept the Marxist-Leninist leadership represented by Comrade Mao Tse-tung. At several key junctures in the history of the Party, such as the periods of the Li Li-san line, the first Wang Ming line, the second Wang Ming line and the case of the Kao-Jao anti-Party alliance, he invariably sided with the wrong line and opposed the correct line represented by Comrade Mao Tse-lung. After the Party's Tsunyi Meeting established Comrade Mao Tse-lung's position of leadership throughout the Party and the army in January 1935. he still opposed Comrade Mao Tse-tung's leadership and engaged in divisive activities inside the Party and the army. During the War of Resistance Against Japan, he regarded the area under his charge as his independent kingdom and used it as capital to assert his "independence" from the Central Committee. Despite the fact that the Party had resolutely repudiated and corrected the mistake of the second Wang Ming line, he still stubbornly applied its wrong strategy and repeatedly held down the peasants' anti-feudal struggle in the Shansi-Hopei-Shantung-Honan area. Although in 1945 the Central Committee exposed and criticized the serious political and organizational mistakes he made while working in north China, he never recognized or corrected them. On the contrary, his anti-Party activities became more and more unbridled with the victory of the people's Liberation War and the transformation of the revolution from a bourgeois-democratic one into a proletarian socialist one. As soon as the socialist transformation of agriculture, handicraft and capitalist industry and commerce was begun, he joined Kao Kang in anti-Party activities. The Kao-Jao anti-Party alliance collapsed and the socialist revolution forged rapidly ahead on the economic and the ideological and political fronts. With the victories of the general line of the Party, the great leap forward and the people's commune movement, the capitalist and individual economies were clearly doomed. In these circumstances, the remnants of the Kao Kang clique and the other Right opportunist elements of every variety headed by Peng Teh-huai could wait no longer, seized on what they considered an opportune moment to stir up trouble and came out in opposition to the general line of the Party, the great leap forward and ihe people's communes, and to the leadership of the Central Committee and Comrade Mao Tse-tung. The true nature of their attack on the Party, therefore, is that, representing as they do the interests of the bourgeoisie and the upper strata of the petty bourgeoisie, they seek to sabotage the dictatorship of the proletariat and undermine the socialist revolution by splitting and demoralizing the vanguard of the proletariat and organizing opportunist factions.(Transcribed by www.wengewang.org)
   (5) As stated above, the long-standing anti-Party activities of the Right opportunist anti-Party clique headed by Peng Teh-huai constitute a grave danger to the socialist cause of the Party and the people. The Eighth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee holds that, in order to carry out its responsibilities with respect to the future of the Party and the People's Liberation Army and to the interests of the socialist cause of the proletariat and the labouring people, the Party must adopt a firm and serious attitude and smash all the activities of the Right opportunist anti-Party clique headed by Peng Teh-huai. The Party demands that Peng Teh-huai, Huang Ke-cheng, Chang Wen-tien, Chou Hsiao-chou and others admit and disclose all their mistakes before the Party and rectify them in action. There is no other way out for them. The Eighth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee holds that the Party should continue to adopt an attitude of great sincerity and warmth towards Peng Teh-huai and help him recognize and rectify his mistakes. Of course, it is essential to transfer Peng Teh-huai, Huang Ke-cheng, Chang Wen-tien, Chou Hsiao-chou and others from their posts in national defence, foreign affairs, provincial Party committee first secretaryship, etc. But they can still keep their membership or alternate membership of the Central Committee or of the Political Bureau, and we shall see how they behave in the future. History has many times proved the complete correctness of the policy regarding inner-Party struggle followed by the great Communist Party of China under the leadership of its Central Committee headed by Comrade Mao Tse-tung. Such inner-Party struggles have not weakened the Party, but on the contrary have strengthened it. The Eighth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee firmly believes that the inner-Party struggle against Right opportunism headed by Peng Teh-huai waged at this crucial juncture for our country's socialist cause will definitely further strengthen the ranks of the Party and the people and heighten their militancy. The Eighth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee calls on all Party comrades to unite under the banner of defence of the general line and opposition to Right opportunism and to unite under the leadership of the Central Committee of the Party and its great leader Comrade Mao Tse-tung; it calls on them to lead the 650 million brave and industrious Chinese people in advancing boldly and unswervingly and in carrying out the general line of "go all out and aim high to get greater, quicker, better and more economical results in building socialism," so as to battle on to the end for the triumph of socialism and for the sublime communist future.
  
  
  

 
 
顶端 Posted: 2009-02-22 02:32 | [楼 主]
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中国共产党八届八中全会关于以彭德怀为首的反党集团的决议(摘要)

——一九五九年八月十六日

新华社(1967.08.16)《人民日报》

(一)在一九五九年七月党中央召集庐山政治局扩大会议以前,直到庐山会议的一段时间内,在我们党内出现了以彭德怀为首、包括黄克诚、张闻天、周小舟等一小批右倾机会主义反党集团反对党的总路线、反对大跃进、反对人民公社的猖狂进攻。这个进攻,正出现在国内外反动势力利用我国的大跃进和人民公社的伟大运动中的某些暂时的、局部的缺点,向我们党和我国人民加紧进攻的时候。在这样一个时机,来自党内特别是来自党中央内部的进攻,显然比来自党外的进攻更为危险。党的八届八中全会认为:坚决粉碎以彭德怀为首的右倾机会主义反党集团的活动,不但对于保卫党的总路线是完全必要的,而且对于保卫党的以毛泽东同志为首的中央的领导、保卫党的团结、保卫党和人民的社会主义事业,都是完全必要的。

(二)以彭德怀为首的反党集团进行分裂党的活动,由来已久。彭德怀在庐山会议前期,即一九五九年七月十四日写给毛泽东同志的意见书,和他在整个庐山会议期间的一些发言和谈话,是代表右倾机会主义分子向党进攻的纲领。它们尽管表面上也装作拥护总路线和拥护毛泽东同志,但是实质上却在煽动党内的有右倾思想的分子、对党不满的分子、混入党内的投机分子和阶级异己分子,起来响应国内外反动派的污蔑,向党的总路线、向党中央和毛泽东同志的领导举行猖狂进攻。彭德怀把那些暂时的、局部的、早已克服了或者正在迅速克服中的缺点收集起来,并且加以极端夸大,把我国目前形势描写成为漆黑一团。他实质上否定总路线的胜利,否定大跃进的成绩,反对国民经济的高速度发展,反对农业战线上的高额丰产运动,反对群众大办钢铁运动,反对人民公社运动,反对经济建设中的群众运动,反对党对于社会主义建设事业的领导即“政治挂帅”。他在意见书中公然把党和几亿人民的革命热情污蔑为“小资产阶级的狂热性”,甚至在谈话中一再声称,“如果不是中国工人农民好,早就要发生匈牙利事件,要请苏联军队来。”很明显,他所犯的错误不是个别性质的错误,而是具有反党、反人民、反社会主义性质的右倾机会主义路线的错误。

(三)八届八中全会揭发出来的大量事实,包括彭德怀、黄克诚、张闻天、周小舟等所承认和他们的同谋者、追随者所揭发的事实,证明以彭德怀为首的反党集团在庐山会议期间和庐山会议以前的活动,是有目的、有准备、有计划、有组织的活动。这一活动是高饶反党联盟事件的继续和发展。现在已经查明,彭德怀和黄克诚早就同高岗形成了反党的联盟,并且是这一联盟中的重要成员。张闻天也参加了高岗的宗派活动。在反对高饶反党联盟的斗争中,党中央已经知道了彭德怀和黄克诚参与这一反党联盟的若干事实,给了他们以严肃的批评,希望他们得到教训,从此悔悟,并没有加以深究。但是彭德怀和黄克诚虽然表面上作了检讨,实则不但没有认识和改正自己的错误,反而长期对党隐瞒他们参加这一反党联盟活动的某些重要事实,并且继续发展他们的反党的分裂活动。为了实现他的个人野心,他早就在党内和军队内恶毒地攻击和污蔑党的领袖毛泽东同志以及中央和军委其他领导同志,采用封官许愿、拉拉扯扯、先打后拉、挑拨离间、造谣扯谎、散布流言蜚语等等方法,进行宗派主义的、分裂党的活动。在一九五八年大跃进以后,全党全民团结一致,积极工作,而他却处心积虑地阴谋破坏中央的领导,进行反党活动,准备寻找适当的机会同他的同谋者、追随者向党和毛泽东同志进攻。庐山会议就被他看作是一个适当的机会。由于彭德怀在党中央和在人民解放军的地位,也由于他的一套伪装爽直、伪装朴素的手法,他的活动是能够迷惑一些人并且已经迷惑了一些人的,对党和人民解放军的前途是具有很大危险性的。正因为这样,揭露这个伪君子、野心家、阴谋家的真面目,制止他的反党的分裂活动,就不能不成为党和所有忠于党、忠于人民解放军、忠于社会主义事业的人们的重要任务。

(四)彭德怀这一次所犯的错误不是偶然的,它有深刻的社会的、历史的、思想的根源。彭德怀和他的同谋者、追随者,本质上是在民主革命中参加我们党的一部分资产阶级的代表。他带着“入股”的思想参加了党和党所领导的革命军队,从来只愿领导别人,领导集体,而不愿受别人领导,受集体领导。他不把自己所担任的革命工作的成就看成党和人民的斗争的成就,而把一切功劳归于自己。他的反党活动,正是中国资产阶级反对无产阶级的社会主义革命、企图按照资产阶级面貌来改造党、改造军队、改造世界这样一种阶级斗争的反映。他的世界观既然同革命无产阶级的马克思列宁主义格格不入,背道而驰,他在党内当然就不愿意接受以毛泽东同志为代表的马克思列宁主义的领导。在党的历史上的几个重大关头,例如立三路线时期、第一次王明路线时期、第二次王明路线时期、高饶反党联盟事件时期,他都站在错误路线方面来反对以毛泽东同志为代表的正确路线。在一九三五年一月党的遵义会议确立了毛泽东同志在全党全军的领导地位以后,他仍然反对毛泽东同志的领导,并且在党内和军队内进行分裂活动。在抗日战争时期,他把他所负责主持的地区当成独立王国,当成他向党中央闹独立的资本。虽然党已经坚决地批判和纠正第二次王明路线的错误,他仍然坚持执行王明路线的错误的战略方针,并且再三地压抑晋冀鲁豫地区的农民反封建斗争。他在华北工作时期所犯的政治上和组织上的严重错误,虽经一九四五年党中央的揭发和批判,但是他始终没有认识和改正自己的错误。相反,由于人民解放战争的胜利,革命由资产阶级民主性质转入无产阶级社会主义性质,他的反党活动就更为猖狂了。农业、手工业、资本主义工商业的社会主义改造刚一开始,他就同高岗结合起来进行反党活动。高饶反党联盟崩溃了,经济战线和思想政治战线上的社会主义革命迅速地前进了。党的总路线、大跃进、人民公社运动的胜利,显然注定了资本主义经济和个体经济的最后灭亡。在这样的条件下,以彭德怀为首的高岗集团残余和其他形形色色的右倾机会主义分子,就迫不及待,利用他们认为“有利”的时机兴风作浪,出来反对党的总路线、大跃进和人民公社,反对党中央和毛泽东同志的领导。因此,他们向党进攻的实质,就是要代表资产阶级和上层小资产阶级的利益,分裂和涣散无产阶级先锋队,组织机会主义的派别,破坏无产阶级专政,破坏社会主义革命。(⑴⑵)

(五)如上所说,以彭德怀为首的右倾机会主义反党集团的由来已久的反党活动,是党和人民的社会主义事业的严重危险。八届八中全会认为:为了对党和人民解放军的前途负责,为了对无产阶级和劳动人民的社会主义事业的利益负责,党必须采取坚决的严肃的态度,彻底粉碎以彭德怀为首的右倾机会主义反党集团的活动。党要求彭德怀、黄克诚、张闻天、周小舟等彻底向党承认和揭发自己的错误,并且在实际行动中彻底改正自己的错误。除此以外,决没有任何别的出路。八届八中全会认为:党对于彭德怀仍然应该采取满腔热情的态度,帮助他认识和改正自己的错误。当然,把彭德怀和黄克诚、张闻天、周小舟等调离国防、外交、省委第一书记等工作岗位是完全必要的。但是他们的中央委员会委员、中央委员会候补委员、中央政治局委员、政治局候补委员的职务仍然可以保留,以观后效。历史已经多次证明:在以毛泽东同志为首的党中央领导下的伟大的中国共产党,对于党内斗争的方针是完全正确的,这种党内斗争没有削弱了党而恰恰是加强了党。八届八中全会确信:在我国社会主义事业的紧要关头,进行这一次反对以彭德怀为首的右倾机会主义的党内斗争,一定将使党的队伍和人民的队伍更加巩固,党和人民的斗志更加昂扬。八届八中全会号召全党同志,在保卫总路线、反对右倾机会主义的旗帜下团结一致,在党中央和党的伟大领袖毛泽东同志的领导下团结一致,领导全国勇敢勤劳的六亿五千万人民,毫不动摇地奋勇前进,贯彻执行鼓足干劲、力争上游、多快好省地建设社会主义的总路线,为社会主义的伟大胜利和共产主义的伟大前途而斗争到底。(新华社十五日讯)
  
  
  

 
 
顶端 Posted: 2009-03-26 13:48 | 1 楼
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