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 The Military Government of Ne Win, the Chiang Kai-shek of Burma, Is Bound to Fail!

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The Military Government of Ne Win, the Chiang Kai-shek of Burma, Is Bound to Fail! The People Are Bound to Win!

— Speech by Thakin Ba Thein Tin, First Vice-Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Burma, at the July 5 Peking memorial rally for martyr Liu Yi

Source:Peking Review, No, 29, July 14, 1967
Transcribed by www.wengewang.org

Comrades, comrades-in-arms and friends:

   On behalf of the Burmese people, the Communist Party of Burma and Comrade Thakin Than Tun, the Chairman of our Party. I speak at the memorial rally for Comrade Liu Yi today.
   I want first of all to say that Comrade Liu Yi was an expert, sent to Burma to work tor Burmese economic construction in accordance with the Sino-Burmese Economic AM Agreement.
   He served the Burmese people with a high degree of proletarian internationalist spirit. lie was killed by thugs instigated by the reactionary Ne Win military government while performing the (asks assigned him by his country, and died a heroic death.
   His death and bloodshed Contributed to the establishment of Chinese-Burmese friendship. The
Burmese people will never forget this. They will always remember him.
   The Burmese people and the Communist Party of Burma feel great sorrow at Comrade Liu Yi's heroic death. I express our sympathy with the Chinese people and the relatives of Comrade Liu Yi.
   Now. I want to say that the struggle waged by the young overseas Chinese students and the overseas Chinese brothers in Burma is entirely just and correct.
Their just struggle is bound to win.
   The reactionary Ne Win military government can never crush their just struggle.
   The combined pressure of Ne Win's masters — U.S. imperialism and the Soviet revisionist leading clique — cannot crush their just struggle either.
    Why?
   Because they have grasped the thought of Chairman Mao, the great leader of the world, and their struggle is just; the glorious 700 million Chinese people are with them, the broad masses of the Burmese people are with them.
   J want to reiterate at this rally that our Communist Party of Burma wholeheartedly supports the just struggle of the overseas Chinese, and vehemently protests against the fascist atrocities of the Ne Win military government in massacring the overseas Chinese.
   We fully support the June 29 statement of the Government of the Chinese People's Republic protesting against the Ne Win military government.
   Martyr Liu Yi, overseas Chinese student martyrs and overseas Chinese martyrs gave their lives and shed their blood for this struggle.
   Many more were wounded, arrested and persecuted. It has been learnt that, up to the present, in Rangoon alone overseas Chinese have been killed by the hundreds and overseas Chinese students and overseas Chinese have been arrested by the thousands.
   This is an outrageous crime that can never be erased from the history of Burma! The blood debt incurred by the Ne Win military government, including that owed Comrade Liu Yi and other martyrs, must be paid in blood. We declare here that our Party and the people of Burma, together with the Chinese people, must demand payment for it.
   Next, I want to talk about why the Ne Win military government carried out this massacre.
   It was by no means accidental that the reactionary Ne Win military government opposed China.
   Burma's anti-China incident is not divorced from the anti-China drive in Indonesia, India, Hongkong and in other countries and areas; it is part of the adverse current of opposition to the Communist Parties, the people, the revolution and China. All this shows that class struggle throughout the whole world is very sharp and that the world revolutionary movement has entered a new stage and reached a new height.
   This incident was planned beforehand, arranged and carried out in collusion with the U.S. imperialists, Soviet revisionists, reactionaries of all countries and the Kuomintang gang.
   The anti-China outrage instigated by the Ne Win military government is an outcome of the anti-communist, anti-popular policy of civil war which it has followed for a long time, and an outcome of its reactionary foreign policy of further dependence on and collusion with imperialism, revisionism and the reactionaries in all countries, and has been decided by its class nature.
   The Ne Win military government has carried out this massacre at a time when it is facing total bankruptcy, militarily, politically and economically.
   I would like first to talk about its military bankruptcy.
   The armed struggle under the leadership of the Communist Party of Burma headed by Chairman Thakin Than Tun has been going on for 19 to almost 20 years.
   Ne Win and his gang are the chief culprits who started the reactionary civil war.
   They set off the unjust war, and burnt down thousands of villages.
   They have turned a large number of villages into concentration camps like those in south Vietnam.
   Tens of thousands of peasants have been killed and arrested, many women raped and many Communists massacred.
   Aided by U.S. imperialism and assisted by Britain, Israel, West Germany, Japan, India and other imperialists and reactionaries, the Ne Win military government has launched wild attacks on the Burmese peoples democratic revolution.
   It has received much aid from Khrushchov, Kosygin, Brezhnev, Tito and other modern revisionists.
   Ne Win also received great help from China's Khrushchov.
   Nevertheless, the Burmese armed struggle has not collapsed. At present, we are dealing the Ne Win military government harsh blows. Under the banner of the national democratic united front, the armed units have scored victory after victory. The people of the Shan, Kachin, Karen, Kayah, Mon and Pa-o nationalities are also engaged in armed struggle against the Ne Win military government. The revolutionary armed forces have now grown so strong that they are capable of taking medium-sized and small towns and have occupied them for a time. According to incomplete statistics, more than 400 battles were fought in 1966. Our Party's armed forces have increased by half. Our guerrilla bases have been expanded and consolidated. The area in which we are fighting accounts for more than 60 per cent of the country's total area.
   Last October, our armed units attacked a position only two miles from Ne Win's mansion. In November, they captured the goods of a co-operative shop on the outskirts of Rangoon. These battles gave the Ne Win government a shock. The U.S. and British press sum up our present military situation as follows: The revolutionary armed forces are forming a crescent around Rangoon and although the Burmese Government can control two-thirds of the country by day it can only control one half at night. U.S. imperialism is worried that Burma may become a second Vietnam within two or three years.
   The Ne Win military government has fired the first shot against Chinese nationals. Since it has fired the first shot, it is with good reason that we should hit back.
   Now that Ne Win has fired the first shot in opposing China, the armed struggle in Burma will certainly develop by leaps and bounds and reach a still higher stage. This is because the present situation is that the Burmese armed struggle is enjoying the full sympathy and support of the 700 million Chinese people and the overwhelming majority of the Burmese people, who are against Ne Win, and will unite still more closely.
   The situation to be looked forward to is that the Burmese armed struggle will display greater might and spread further, and more troops of the Ne Win government will be wiped out. This is how Ne Win is digging his own grave.
   It is because we have taken Marxism-Leninism, Mao Tse-tung's thought as our guide that we have been able to persevere in carrying on aimed struggle for nearly 20 years. The brilliant victories we have won in the military field are a victory of the invincible thought of Mao Tse-tung.
   It is because we have established in our minds Chairman Mao's idea that "political power grows out of the barrel of a gun" that we have been able to persevere in struggle. We have been able to do so because we have used guns and opposed the ideas and programme of China's Khrushchov and of the Soviet revisionist leading clique which urge us to co-operate with Ne Win and be his disciples.
   Our armed struggle arose out of our mastery of Chairman Mao's thought. As already mentioned, we have not only accepted the guidance of the completely correct idea, namely, "political power grows out of the barrel of u gum" but we also carry on our fight in accordance with Chairman Mao's theory on protracted war, relying on the countryside as our base area and encircling the cities from the countryside. Our practice has proved that, given a Party armed with the thought of Chairman Mao, and given (hat this Party is able to rely first of all on the peasants, protracted war can be carried on even in a small country like Burma.
   However, as a result of the disruptive activities of China's Khrushchov, the Burmese revolution and the Chinese people have been turned from close friends into distant relatives.
   China's Khrushchov has a soft spot for Ne Win, but harbours no such good intention towards the Communist Party of Burma. This is not fortuitous; there is a reason. As far back as 20 years ago, our Party was a Party loyal to Marxism-Leninism. Mao Tse-tung's thought. It is only natural that China's Khrushchov, who is opposed to Marxism-Leninism. Mao Tse-tung's thought, should treat us badly.
   In spite of the fact that China's Khrushchov has not liked us, we have followed Chairman Mao's teachings, persevered in self-reliance and carried on struggle for more than 19 years.
   Burma's revolution has proved that as long as the people of various countries really act according to Chairman Mao's teachings on self-reliance, then the oppressed people of these countries can decide their own destiny in the spirit of self-reliance. Our Party is now undertaking a vigorous study of Chairman Mao's works. It has also been stressed that everyone undertake a creative study and application, in 1he course of struggle, of "Long Live the Victory of People's War!”, written by our respected and beloved Vice-Chairman Lin Piao.
   We regard Chaiiman Mao's works as an invaluable treasure.
   Ne Win and his like also study Chairman Mao's works according to their understanding. But the purpose of their study is to discredit Chairman Mao and the Chinese people, to discredit the Burmese people and oppose the Burmese Communist Party.
   The enemy is afraid of Mao Tse-tung's thought. Ne Win, the revisionists of all countries and Chinas Khrushchov arc all in mortal fear of Mao Tse-tung's thought. That is why we must double our efforts to study Mao Tse-tung's thought which the enemy fears.
   As I have already said, because of the rapid development of the armed struggle in Burma, the military crisis of the Ne Win military government has become more serious.
   Class struggle is very acute in Burma. The reactionary Ne Win military government is facing crisis all along the line. This crisis is a bomb that is about to explode.
   In these circumstances, the Ne Win military government directs its spearhead at the Communist Party of Burma. It has decided to launch another wild military offensive against the Party.
   Externally, it still regards the People's Republic of China as the main danger. It made a public statement to this effect at the Burma Socialist Programme Party Conference convened last November.
   From these facts people can clearly see that the Ne Win military government is the enemy of the Burmese people and the enemy of the Chinese people as well.
   This Ne Win military government has worked more flagrantly than ever in collusion with U.S. imperialism, Israel, Thailand and the "Malaysian" reactionaries.
   Prior to the massacre of the overseas Chinese, it held talks with Adam Malik, representative of the Indonesian fascist government.
   I would now like to say something about the political crisis of the Ne Win military government.
   Ne Win openly declared that his political line was one of non-acceptance of Marxism-Leninism. Mao Tse-tung's thought, and of non-acceptance of the leadership of the proletariat.
   He said his government would give the peasants privileges, but in reality its foundation is the landlords and rich peasants.
   It virtually transferred the right to resolve the peasant problem to the reactionary village heads, bureaucrats and military officers.
   What it preached about the "labouring people" in effect refers to the bureaucratic exploiting class and reactionary military officers who arc slaughtering the peasants. The real workers serve only as the object of their exploitation and oppression.
   As in the case of Yugoslavia, Ne Win accepts aid from all imperialist and revisionist countries.
   He suppresses the Communist Party by means of unjust war.
   This is what the "Burmese programme for socialism" has meant.
   Even now the Soviet modern revisionists still proclaim that the road Ne Win takes is a non-capitalist one.
   China's Khrushchov also directly told Ne Win that it was necessary to learn from Ne Win's programme for socialism.
   But the Burmese people have a real understanding of their own. They see with their own eyes that Ne Win's "Burmese programme for socialism" has brought about the massacre of tens of thousands of people.
   Under the Ne Win military government rule, even bourgeois democracy was got rid of. Four months after the military government came to power, more than 100 university students were killed and over 300 students injured on July 7, in Rangoon, the capital of Burma.
   In November 1963, after shamelessly sabotaging peaceful negotiations, the Ne Win military government abolished all legitimate parties and arrested more than 1.000 well-known progressive people. From that time till now, it has continued to arrest workers, peasants, students, writers and owners of enterprises. What do all these facts show? They show that Ne Win, who is carrying out military dictatorship in the country, is Burma's Chiang Kai-shek.
   The people have clearly realized that the Ne Win military government is incapable of resolving any problem, no matter whether it concerns culture, public health, or the economy. Things are going from bad to worse.
   Therefore, the people have seen that Ne Win's ''Burmese programme for socialism" is false. Ne Win cannot deceive anyone! And, therefore, Ne Win has exposed his true features to the Burmese people, as did Khrushchov, Kosygin and Brezhnev. China's Khrushchov has also shown his true countenance.
    Comrades, this is perfectly clear to us.
   We never thought that socialism could be established by relying on "aid" from U.S. imperialism. However, the group of people like Ne Win, Khrushchov and China's Khrushchov said it was possible and experimented in Burma.
   I would also like to say a few words about the economic crisis of the Ne Win military government.
   Ne Win's "programme for socialism" in Burma long ago plunged the whole country into a serious economic crisis. At present, there is an extreme lack of food and medicine, the price of commodities is very high and speculating merchant cliques and black markets are so numerous that Ne Win has been helpless in dealing with them. The reason is that his officeis and officials have all taken part in black market activities.
   With regard to the situation of the material shortages, I would like to cite a few examples to explain it.
   At present, Burma is extremely short of cooking oil and there has been none for use in preparing dishes. The ordinary people call those dishes with no cooking oil, or very little, "Ne Win dishes."
    Famine in' Burma is now extremely serious.
   Burma is one of the world's biggest rice-producing countries. Even during World War II, when the whole country had been turned into a battlefield, there was no famine in Burma because of the self-reliant efforts of the Burmese people.
   In pre-war days, apart from domestic consumption, three million tons of rice were exported annually. But now the amount exported has been only six hundred thousand tons, and the sale of rice domestically has to be measured by the milk bottle.
   Famine has been brought on under Ne Win's rule. The Government has declared that Burma will possibly be without grain before November and December of this year. It therefore asks the people to practise economy in grain consumption. However, famine has already begun. Workers have left the factories because they have nothing to eat: peasants are unable to work in the fields because they have insufficient food. People are eating roots and bark. Diseases are spreading because of malnutrition.
   Demonstrations and struggles have occurred aimed at securing a solution to the grain problem. In some places the seizure of rice has taken place. In Rangoon, it is only possible for a person to buy one milk bottleful of rice daily. Over 1,000 residents in the Thaketa quarter held a demonstration in front of a grain shop because they had no rice for their evening meal. In Rangoon some restaurants have no rice to serve.
   The people of the whole country are highly indignant at the Ne Win military government.
   In order to shake itself free of political, military and economic crisis and consolidate its rule, the Ne Win military government has adopted despicably measures. It has stirred up a conflict between China and Burma in an attempt to divert into a national conflict the fierce anger of the Burmese people that has burst forth like a volcano.
   It is well known that the Ne Win military government started by ruthlessly massacring overseas Chinese students and other overseas Chinese. At first, it manufactured rumours and incited national hatred, and then provoked national conflict. Its despicable schemes may succeed perhaps for the time being. However, the friendship between China and Burma that has been formed for such a long time is firm and nobody can undermine it. No force on earth is capable of sabotaging this friendship. Whoever attempts to do so is a madman, just banging his head against a brick wall.
   Chairman Mao teaches us: "'Lifting a rock only to drop it on one's own feet' is a Chinese folk saying to describe the behaviour of certain fools. The reactionaries in all countries arc fools of this kind. In the final analysis, their persecution of the revolutionary people only serves to accelerate the people's revolutions on a broader and more intense scale.*' By his opposition to China, Ne Win is lifting a rock only to drop it on his own feet.
   Before World War II, the British imperialists provoked a conflict between China and Burma. Apart from this, China-Burma friendship has been firm. It is a flesh and blood friendship. The Burmese call the Chinese paukphaw meaning kinsmen. Of course, Ne Win also calls China's Khrushchov paukphaw. The latter is a paukphaw of partners-in-crime, and not that between the people. It is merely paukphauj of a supreme master and a disciple.
   Therefore, we are convinced that, guided by the spirit of genuinely consolidated friendship between China and Burma, and not by the hypocritical rubbish of Ne Win and China's Khrushchov, the overseas Chinese in Burma will certainly win victory.
    There is another matter I would like to refer to.
   The reactionaries of all countries say that there are two kinds of Communist Parties. They say that they do not fear the Communist Parties of Khrushchov, Kosygin and Brezhnev and that they can make friends with such Communist Parties. They take the same attitude towards Communists like China's Khrushchov. But they are frightened out of their wits by the Communist Party of Mao Tse-tung.
   This analysis of the enemy is very important. We should all be Communist Parties of Mao Tse-tung.
   The overseas Chinese in Burma, who are struggling by holding aloft Chairman Mao's teaching "a great life, a glorious death," will certainly win.
   The Burmese people will surely end this massacre soon and unite as one in opposition to Ne Win.
   The Ne Win military government which is opposing the Chinese and Burmese peoples will certainly be defeated.
   China's Khrushchov, who has suppressed the great proletarian cultural revolution and the Red Guards in China, has been discredited among the masses. The Ne Win military government, which is suppressing overseas Chinese for fear both of the influence of China's great proletarian cultural revolution and of the revolutionary forces in Burma, is bound to fail.
   China's Khrushchov, who opposed the thought of Chairman Mao, has bitten the dust; the Ne Win military government, which has insulted Chairman Mao, will also certainly be defeated.
   Together with the Chinese people, we will certainly carry the struggle against the Ne Win military government, the struggle against revisionism and the struggle against the reactionaries of all countries through to the very end.
   We will definitely strengthen the struggle against the Ne Win military government in our practical work.
   Let the U.S. imperialists and the Soviet revisionists give more aid to the Ne Win military government !
   However great the sacrifice we have to suffer, no matter how long the struggle continues, we will certainly carry on our fight.
   We have waged a military struggle over a period of nearly 20 years. We say that we are not afraid of any kind of enemy, because we have Chairman Mao's thought as our guide.
   We will overthrow the Ne Win military government and bring about a lasting peace, a happy and completely independent Burma and set up a people's democratic united front government conforming to the people's wishes.
   Let us unite, fight and triumph together under the banner of Chairman Mao's thought!
   We fully support the fraternal overseas Chinese in Burma in their revolutionary, valiant and just struggle! No one can destroy the friendship between China and Burma!
   The reactionary Ne Win military government is bound to fail!
   The people's democratic revolution is bound to triumph!
   Long live the unity of the Burmese and Chinese peoples!
   Long live the unity of the Communist Parties of Burma and China!
  
  
  
  

 
 
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