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 Evidence of the Crime of the No. 1 Party Person in Authority Taking the Capitalist Road

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Evidence of the Crime of the No. 1 Party Person in Authority Taking the Capitalist Road in Advocating The System of Capitalist Exploitation

Source: Peking Review, No. 17, April 21, 1967
Transcribed by www.wengewang.org

A report on the visit of the No. 1 Party person in authority taking the capitalist road in April 1949 to the privately owned Tungya Woollen Textile Mill in Tientsin (now the No, 3 Woollen Textile Mill of the Tientsin Municipality)

by Staff Members of the "Renmin Ribao" Editorial Department

   "Renmin Ribao" editor's note: Reading this report,    one can see that the No. 1 Party person in authority    taking the capitalist road even went so far as to undisguisedly and shamelessly flatter and boost the bourgeoisie and laud the system of exploitation. This is a telling exposure of his bourgeois reactionary nature, a telling exposure of his vain scheme to develop capitalism in China.
Our great leader Chairman Mao has pointed out: When the people overthrew the rule of imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism,. . . which way should China head — towards capitalism or towards socialism? Facts have now provided the answer: only socialism can save China.
   But the No. 1 Party person in authority taking the capitalist road acted against this. On the eve of the victory of China's democratic revolution, he went around crying his wares, singing the same tune as utterly reactionary big capitalists, doing His utmost to spread the idea that "exploitation has its merits" and scolding the workers, saying that "to rebel is not justified" His aim was to encourage the bourgeoisie to truelly exploit the broad masses of workers, to lead China on to the capitalist road, pushing China back into the darkness of semi-colonial and semi-feudal society, drilling the labouring -masses back to a subhuman standard of life and so force history back a giant step.
   "A tree may prefer the calm, but the wind will not subside." In class society, class struggle is an objective reality independent of man's will. Since the west wind of the class struggle waged by the bourgeoisie will not subside, and since the west wind of savage attack launched against us by the No. 1 Party person in authority taking the capitalist road will not .subside, the proletariat should raise a powerful east wind to prevail over the west wind and overwhelm all its enemies; under the guidance of the great thought of Mao Tse-tung, it should organize mass criticism and repudiation of the No. 1 Party person in authority taking the capitalist road and the handful of counterrevolutionary revisionists and thoroughly refute, overthrow and completely discredit them.
   Let us thoroughly expose the poison spread by this person in the political, economic, cultural and ideological fields, thoroughly criticize and repudiate the bourgeois reactionary line and make this movement of all-out criticism and repudiation a mighty force moving everything forward.

On January 15, 1949, Tientsin was liberated.
   On March 5, 1949, the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party was convened in Hsipaipo Village, Ping-shun County, Hopei Province. Our great leader Chairman Mao in his report to the session pointed out in clear-cut terms to the entire Party and to the people throughout the country:
   "On whom shall we rely in our struggles in the cities? Some muddle-headed comrades think we should rely not on the working class but on the masses of the poor. Some comrades who are even more muddle-headed think we should rely on the bourgeoisie. As for the direction of industrial development, some muddle-headed comrades maintain that we should chiefly help the development of private enterprise and not state enterprise. . . . We must criticize these muddled views."
   "Restriction versus opposition to restriction will be the main form of class struggle in the new-democratic state. II is entirely wrong to think that at present we need not restrict capitalism and can discard the slogan of 'regulation of capital'; that is a Right opportunist view."
   The No. 1 Party person in authority taking the capitalist road, however, busily harped on an opposite tune. He campaigned as best he could for the development of capitalism in China.
   On April 21, 1949, he paid a visit to the Tientsin Tungya Woollen Textile Mill as it was then called.
   This mill was founded in 1932 with a capital of 230,000 yuan, of which 100,000 yuan had been invested by Han Fu-chu, at that time governor of Shantung Province and a big warlord. Soon after, the general manager of the mill Sung Fei-ching curried favour with China's biggest vampires, "the four big families," and succeeded in inducing H.H. Kung to invest in the mill. In 1936, the capital of the enterprise shot up from 230,000 yuan to 1 million yuan. In 1937, after Peiping [now Peking) was occupied by the Japanese invaders, Sung Fei-ching made a deal with the Peiping headquarters of the Japanese invading armies, undertaking to produce gunny sacks for military use. To step up production, nearly half the mill's capacity was devoted to this. In this way he became an accomplice of Japanese imperialism in its aggression against China. From then on, Sung Fei-ching devotedly served imperialism internationally and hung on to the coattails of the Kuomintang reactionaries at home. As the saying goes "a valet serving two masters, feeds his family from two kitchens." Politically Sung was exceedingly reactionary.
   The mill was visited by a number of notable reactionary figures. Among them were:
   Rear-Admiral Lodge of the U.S. imperialist marine corps;
   John Leighton Stuart, U.S. imperialist ambassador to China;
   E.A. Locke, Jr., private representative of U.S. imperialist chieftain President Truman;
Thomas Tien, a cardinal appointed by the Vatican;
   H.H. Kung, minister of finance of the Chiang Kai-shek gang; and
   Ku Cheng-kang, minister of social affairs of the Chiang Kai-shek gang.
   Sung Fei-ching's reactionary arrogance swelled mightily when he hoard that such a "big shot" as the No. 1 Party person in authority taking the capitalist road w-as going to Tientsin to call on capitalists. At a small discussion meeting called at the time by the Tientsin Municipal Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, he fiercely challenged the sponsors of the meeting and viciously attacked the Communist Party, saying: "Since the Communist Party advocates freedom of speech and freedom of religion, then I have the freedom not to believe in Marxism-Leninism and the freedom to oppose communism."
   That No. 1 Party person in authority taking the capitalist road took quite a fancy to both the Tungya Woollen Textile Mill which exploited the workers so ruthlessly that it was known as "a civilized hell" and to that utterly reactionary big capitalist Sung Fei-ching. He invited Sung Fei-ching and other capitalists to a discussion and paid a special call on Sung at the Tungya Mill itself. On these occasions he brazenly declared "exploitation has its merits." He cried "to rebel is not justified" and shared Sung Fei-ching's "dream” of developing capitalism.

Advocating "Exploitation Has Its Merits"

   At the discussion forum, Sung Fei-ching harped on the same tune as in the past: "They [the workers] arc poor in a small way. 1 am poor in a big way, and we all are poor. I have built factories and have fed so many workers, but in the end I am held to be an exploiter. I really don't know what is meant by exploitation."
   The No. 1 Party person in authority taking the capitalist road replied: Mr. Sung, you do not understand the meaning of the two characters Po Hsueh (exploitation). Po hsueh is a translation of a foreign expression and it can be found in the Communists' dictionary, too. If you don't like the term, well, it can be changed! But in point of fact you are undertaking to feed workers. The more factories you build, the more workers you exploit, the better. At present, you are running a single factory and are exploiting one thousand people, but it would be even better if, in the future, you were to run ten factories and exploit ten or twenty thousand people.
   He also said: "Exploitation by capitalists is a historical service, and no Communist will blot out the services performed by the capitalists. Curses are curses, but the services are still there. Of course there is also crime in it, but the service is great, while the crime is small. Today, capitalism in China is in its youth, and this is precisely the time to develop its historical, positive role, the time for it to perform its services. Efforts should be made promptly not to let the opportunity pass. Today, capitalist exploitation is legal, and the more of it the better. Dividends should be raised."
   He also said: "Today, not only is capitalist exploitation not a crime, but, on the contrary, it has its merits. In casting aside feudal exploitation, capitalist exploitation has its progressive character. Today, the trouble is not too many factories built and too many workers exploited, but too few. The sufferings of the workers and peasants arise from their having no one to exploit them. If you are able to exploit more, you will be benefiting both the state and the people, and everybody will approve of it."
   When someone mentioned the fact that Sung Fei-ching, with an eye to squeezing more blood and sweat from the workers, had issued stock to the workers and gone in for making workers and staff "share-holders," that No. 1 Party person in authority taking the capitalist road was full of praise and said: This is in the nature of a co-operative.
   Finally, when Sung Fei-ching complained: "The workers go on strike and it is not easy to run the factory. Let it go out of business!" That person immediately consoled him and said: You should work well. Happiness is just beginning. There will always be a future for you even when communism arrives, and those who should ride in limousines will still ride in limousines. Perhaps then you will not be called a manager, but your status will remain the same.

Clamouring "To Rebel Is Not Justified"

   When the No. 1 Party person in authority taking the capitalist road visited the mill, the workers, just liberated from the depths of misery, were bitterly against cruel exploitation by the capitalists. Having heard some of the workers' views from the military representative in the mill, this No. 1 Party person in authority taking the capitalist road, in the presence of Sung Fei-ching, asked him contemptuously when he had joined the revolution and said that with regard to policy he should go in for quite a considerable bit of study to understand it. Sonn after this, the military representative was transferred from the mill simply because he had spoken up for the workers.
   Upon the strong demand of the workers, this No. 1 Party person in authority taking the capitalist road met for a very brief interview with the workers' representatives in the presence of Sung Fei-ching. The scene at the time of the meeting was like this: his wife, overcoat over her arm, stood on one side of him, while on the other stood a person holding a thermos flask for him.  Behind him stood the portly capitalist.
   Old workers recall that on that occasion this No. 1 Party person in authority taking the capitalist road told the workers that their status had now been raised. He added: In the old days you would not have been able to see a person like me! I rank at least second, if not first in China.
   He said that the policy being carried out was one of benefiting both labour and capital. He urged the workers to do a good job in production and have confidence in Manager Sung because he was able to run the mill well.
   In conclusion he warned the workers that they should not make trouble because the capitalists were not going to rebel and the workers should do what the company told them to.

Sharing the Same "Dream" With the Capitalists

   This visit filled Sung Fei-ching with "new hope and new life." On April 30 he sent a letter to this No. 1 Party person in authority taking the capitalist road which contained "My Dream" — his sinister plan for the development of capitalism.
   "My Dream" was written in 1947. Sung Fei-ching planned according to this blue-print, to expand the original woollen mill into a trust consisting of woollen mills, hemp mills, chemical works, rayon factories, iron works and a printing house. To realize his ambition, he put forward a whole set of sinister measures sue}) as the big Western bourgeoisie use to exploit the workers, including making workers and staff "share-holders," "specialization of workers" and "company towns." etc.
   In this letter Sung Fei-ching set out in detail his plans of "adding a night shift," "buying more raw wool to increase production" and "preparing to build a second gunny sack mill." In conclusion, he said, "I hereby with respect present my outline for your learned consideration. In future, I shall report to you promptly how matters progress and seek your guidance."
   Shortly afterwards, Sung Fei-ching received a reply from the No. 1 Party person in authority taking the capitalist road expressing high appreciation. The reply said, "I am very pleased to learn that in your company the employees and workers are united and that labour and capital are making joint efforts to expand production. I am also very pleased to hear your plan to build a new mill. I hope you will continue your efforts in accordance with the policy of giving due consideration to both public and private interests and benefiting both labour and capital. The future is bright. The resurgence of the country and nation is at hand."
   Sung Fei-ching said: "My ideal of expanding the enterprise is a dream that 1 have had for many long years. It is coming true only today. For me this marks a turning-point from passive waiting to active development."
   At that time, many law-breaking capitalists in Tientsin cast away their "worries." They felt as "great a satisfaction" as if they had got a "shot in the arm." They shouted in unison: "Long live new democracy!"
   The No. 1 Party person in authority taking the capitalist road tried to develop capitalism in China by relying on bloodsuckers like Sung Fei-ching. This dream came to nothing. Sung Fei-ching soon afterwards cheated the state of about 4 million yuan, fled to Hongkong and finally died in South America.
   Under the leadership of the great leader Chairman Mao, the Chinese people are marching with Firm steps along the broad road of socialism. They will use poisonous weeds as fertilizer. The fact that the No. 1 Party person in authority taking the capitalist road and the big bloodsucker echo each other gives people yet another lesson in classes and class struggle and enables them to see more clearly the features of the No. 1 Party person in authority taking the capitalist road as one who has betrayed the revolution and the proletariat!

(From "Renmin Ribao," April 15.)


顶端 Posted: 2009-02-16 03:04 | [楼 主]
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