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 A New Stage of the Socialist Revolution in China

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Source: Peking Review, No. 30, July 22, 1966
Transcribed for www.wengewang.org

The great proletarian cultural revolution which is now unfolding has pushed China's socialist revolution to a new stage, an even deeper and broader stage.
   The movement against three evils [corruption, waste and bureaucracy] and the movement against five evils [bribery of government workers, tax evasion, theft of state property, cheating on government contracts, and stealing economic information for private speculation] of 1952 marked the first stage after the founding of the People's Republic of China in the great struggle waged by the proletariat under the leadership of 1hc Party against the bourgeoisie and its representatives within and outside the Party. The characteristic of the struggle in this stage was the exposure before the broad masses of the true colours of the bourgeois reactionaries who, in order to make themselves rich, stole state property by every conceivable means and did not hesitate to cause great economic losses to tens of millions of people.
   On the basis of the struggles against the three evils and five evils, and on the basis of the realization of agricultural co-operation, the Party carried out comparatively smoothly the socialist transformation of capitalist industry and commerce, that is, the transformation of the capitalist ownership of the means of production. This was the second stage of the struggle.
   The third stage was the struggle launched by the Party against the bourgeois Rightists in 1957. This struggle smashed the scheme of the bourgeois Rightists aimed at usurping state leadership, subverting the dictatorship of the proletariat, exercising what they called "ruling in turn." and establishing a counterrevolutionary dictatorship.
   After the anti-Rightist struggle of 1957, the bourgeois Rightists resorted to more covert methods and waited for an opportune moment to go into action again. During the period when China encountered temporary economic difficulties, they colluded with the Right opportunists in the Party and concerted their actions to oppose the Party's general line for building socialism, the big leap forward and the people's commune, and tried to bring about a "great reversal" — the restoration of capitalism in the cities and countryside. The struggle against Right opportunism waged by the Party and the series of policies and measures adopted by the Party in defence of the Party's general line and the socialist system thwarted the attempt of the bourgeois Rightists and their representatives within and outside the Party, and enabled China's national economy, culture and education to make further progress. This was the fourth stage of the struggle.
   The fifth stage of the struggle started with the socialist education movement initiated by the Party in 1963 and has continued into the great proletarian cultural revolution which was launched recently at the great call of the Party. This great proletarian cultural revolution has, in fact, just begun, but it has already shown its great, profound and far-reaching significance.
   Since the founding of the People's Republic of China, proletarian ideology, proletarian academic work, and proletarian literature and art. have entered the field of culture on a broad scale. In the early post-liberation days, we provided work for all the old bourgeois intellectuals except those who openly opposed the revolution. The Party's policy is to let them work for the motherland and, in the course of this, gradually remould their bourgeois world outlook and accept the world outlook of the proletariat. The bourgeois world outlook, however, is deep-rooted among the intellectuals from the old society. They were linked to the foundation of the old society in one hundred and one ways. For them to accept the world outlook of the proletariat means completely changing every thought in their heads, which is very painful and very difficult.
   Before the world outlook of the proletariat takes command in the minds of the old intellectuals, the world outlook and the old ideology and habits of the bourgeoisie that are still there will continue to function, always tending to manifest themselves stubbornly in political life and in other aspects, and striving to spread their influence. They always seek to transform the world according to the world outlook of the landlord class and the bourgeoisie.
   With the overthrow of the reactionary regime and abolition of ownership by the landlord class and the bourgeoisie, the reactionary elements of the landlord class and the bourgeoisie pin their hope for restoration on the struggle in the ideological field. They try to subjugate the masses and bewitch them with the old ideology and habits of the exploiting classes in order to bring about the restoration of the landlord class and the bourgeoisie.
   In the final analysis, therefore, the struggle between the world outlook of the proletariat and the world outlook of the bourgeoisie is in fact a struggle between the socialist system on the one hand and all systems of exploitation on the other, a struggle for leadership between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, a struggle between the efforts to consolidate the dictatorship of the proletariat and the efforts to turn the dictatorship of the proletariat into the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.
   A decade ago, Comrade Mao Tse-tung wisely pointed out: "The class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, the class struggle between the different political forces, and the class struggle in the ideological field between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie will continue to be long and tortuous and at times will even become very acute. The proletariat seeks to transform the world according to its own world outlook, and so does the bourgeoisie. In this respect, the question of which will win out, socialism or capitalism, is still not really settled." The great proletarian cultural revolution aims precisely at solving, step by step, the question raised by Comrade Mao Tse-tung of who will win out in the ideological field, by relying on the political consciousness of the masses and on the method of the masses educating themselves.
   The more victories we win on all fronts of socialism and the more our socialist cause develops and is consolidated, the more prominently the contradictions and conflicts between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie in the ideological field stand out. That is why we have made the great proletarian cultural revolution an important item on our agenda at this time. This is an objective law. It is impossible to avoid this kind of contradiction and conflict. To win final victory, the proletariat must, at all times, mercilessly counter any challenge of the bourgeoisie in the ideological field.
   All things are in the process of contradiction, struggle and change. The essential point of Marxism-leninism, of Mao Tse-tung's thought, is criticism, struggle and revolution. Struggle is life. If you do not struggle against the opposite, it will struggle against you. One ceases to be a Marxist-Leninist if one loses one's revolutionary vigilance and does not wage a resolute struggle against the class enemy and alien class elements.
   In the course of this great proletarian cultural revolution, all Communists, all revolutionary cadres, and all those who stand for the socialist system and the dictatorship of the proletariat must raise still higher the great red banner of Mao Tse-tung's thought, make great efforts to creatively study and apply Chairman Mao's works, grasp proletarian ideology still better, develop communist ideas, raise communist consciousness and establish a lofty communist aim. We must not hold fast to established ideas, but must be good at learning and drawing lessons through struggle. In this way, we shall be able to advance invincibly in this new stage of socialist revolution.

("Renmin Ribao" editorial, July 17, 1966.)
  
  
  

 
 
顶端 Posted: 2009-02-09 05:54 | [楼 主]
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我国社会主义革命的新阶段

  (1966.07.17) 《人民日报》

    当前开展的无产阶级文化大革命,使我国社会主义革命进入一个
新的阶段,即进入一个更深入、更广阔阶段。
    一九五二年的三反五反运动,是中华人民共和国成立以后,无产
阶级在党的领导下,同资产阶级和它在党内外的代表,进行大斗争的
第一个阶段。这个阶段的斗争的特点,是在广大群众中,揭露了资产
阶级的反动人物为了自己发财,千方百计地盗窃国家财产,不惜千百
万人倾家荡产的真面貌。
    在三反五反斗争的基础上,在农业合作化的基础上,党比较顺利
地进行了对资本主义工商业的社会主义改造,即资本主义生产资料所
有制的改造。这是斗争的第二个阶段。
    斗争的第三个阶段,是一九五七年党发动的反对资产阶级右派的
斗争。这个斗争粉碎了资产阶级右派企图篡夺我们国家的领导权、颠
覆无产阶级专政、实行他们所谓“轮流坐庄”、建立反革命专政的阴
谋。
    一九五七年反右斗争以后,资产阶级右派分子采取了比较隐蔽的
方法,待机而动。在我们暂时经济困难的期间,他们同党内的右倾机
会主义分子结合起来,互相呼应,反对党的总路线、大跃进和人民公
社,在城乡企图搞资本主义复辟的“大反复”。党进行的反对右倾机
会主义的斗争,以及采取的一系列的保卫党的总路线和社会主义制度
的政策和措施,使资产阶级右派和它在党内外的代表人物的企图归于
失败,并且使我国的国民经济和文化教育得到进一步的发展。这是斗
争的第四个阶段。
    斗争的第五个阶段,是以一九六三年党提出的社会主义教育运动
为开端,一直到最近提出的无产阶级文化大革命的伟大号召。这个无
产阶级文化大革命实际上刚刚开始,但已经显出了它的伟大的、深远
的意义。
    中华人民共和国成立以来,无产阶级的思想,无产阶级的学术,
无产阶级的文艺,在广大的范围内,进入了文化的阵地。解放初期,
我们把旧的资产阶级知识分子,除了公开反革命的以外,都包下来。
党的政策是要让他们为祖国工作,让他们在工作中逐步改造自己的资
产阶级世界观,接受无产阶级世界观。但是,资产阶级的世界观在旧
知识分子中是根深蒂固的。他们同旧社会的基础,有千丝万缕的联系
。接受无产阶级世界观,对他们说来,是一个换头脑的问题,是一件
很痛苦的事情,是很不容易的。
    在旧知识分子头脑里面,当无产阶级世界观还没有去占领的时候
,他们原有的资产阶级世界观,资产阶级的旧思想、旧习惯,还在继
续起作用,并且在政治生活以及其它方面总是要顽固地表现自己,力
求扩散他们的影响。他们总是企图按照地主资产阶级的世界观来改造
世界。
    反动政权已经被打倒,地主资产阶级的所有制已经被推翻,地主
资产阶级反动分子力求把复辟的希望寄托在思想领域的斗争上。他们
企图用剥削阶级的旧思想、旧习惯征服群众,迷惑人心,达到地主资
产阶级复辟的目的。
    所以,归根到底,无产阶级世界观同资产阶级世界观的斗争,实
际上是社会主义制度同一切剥削制度的斗争,是无产阶级同资产阶级
争夺领导权的斗争,是一方面要巩固无产阶级专政,而另一方面要变
无产阶级专政为资产阶级专政的斗争。
    毛泽东同志在十年前就英明地指出:“无产阶级和资产阶级之间
的阶级斗争,各派政治力量之间的阶级斗争,无产阶级和资产阶级之
间在意识形态方面的阶级斗争,还是长时期的,曲折的,有时甚至是
很激烈的。无产阶级要按照自己的世界观改造世界,资产阶级也要按
照自己的世界观改造世界。在这一方面,社会主义和资本主义之间谁
胜谁负的问题还没有真正解决。”无产阶级文化大革命,就是要依靠
群众的觉悟,依靠群众自己教育自己的方法,逐步解决毛泽东同志提
出的这个在意识形态上谁战胜谁的问题。
    我们在社会主义各个战线上越是胜利,我们的社会主义事业越是
发展越是巩固,无产阶级同资产阶级在意识形态上的矛盾和冲突,就
越来越突出。无产阶级文化大革命在这个时候排在我们的重要议程上
,问题就在这里。这是客观的规律。要避免这种矛盾和冲突是不可能
的。无产阶级要取得最后胜利,就必须随时痛击资产阶级在意识形态
领域里的一切挑战。
    任何事物都处在矛盾中间,斗争中间,变化中间。马克思列宁主
义、毛泽东思想的基本点,就是要批判,要斗争,要革命。斗争就是
生活,你不斗它,它就斗你。丧失革命警惕性,对阶级敌人,对阶级
异己分子,不进行坚决的斗争,就不是马克思列宁主义者。
    我们每个共产党员,每个革命干部,每个拥护社会主义制度和无
产阶级专政的人们,都应当在这场文化大革命中,更高地举起毛泽东
思想伟大红旗,努力活学活用毛主席著作,更好地掌握无产阶级意识
,发展共产主义思想,提高共产主义的自觉性,树立共产主义的雄心
壮志。不要固步自封,而要善于从斗争中进行学习,从斗争中吸取教
训。这样,我们就能够在社会主义这个新阶段上,战无不胜地前进。
  
  
  

 
 
顶端 Posted: 2009-02-09 06:03 | 1 楼
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