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 Long Live the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution

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Peking Review, No. 25, June 17. 1966
Transcribed for www.wengewang.org


       UNDER the direct leadership of Chairman Mao Tse-tung and the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, a great mass proletarian cultural revolution without parallel in history is swiftly and vigorously unfolding with the irresistible force of an avalanche.
  Holding high the great red banner of Mao Tse-tung's thought, the masses of workers, peasants and soldiers and the masses of revolutionary cadres and revolutionary intellectuals are sweeping away the representatives of the bourgeoisie who have wormed their way into the Party, the monsters of all kinds and all forms of decadent bourgeois and feudal ideology. An unprecedentedly favourable situation has arisen on the political, ideological and cultural fronts.
  This is an extremely acute and complex class struggle to foster what is proletarian and eradicate what is bourgeois in the superstructure, in the realm of ideology — a life-and-death struggle between the bourgeoisie attempting to restore capitalism and the proletariat determined to prevent it. This struggle affects the issue of whether the dictatorship of the proletariat and the economic base of socialism in our country can be consolidated and developed or not, and whether or not our Party and country will change colour. It affects the destiny and future of our Party and our country as well as the destiny and future of world revolution. It is most important that this struggle should not be taken lightly.
  Why is it imperative that the proletarian cultural revolution be launched? Why is this revolution so important?
  Comrade Mao Tse-lung has scientifically summed up the international historical experience of the dictatorship of the proletariat and put forth the theory of contradiction, classes and class struggle in socialist society. He constantly reminds us never to forget the class struggle, never to forget to put politics first and never to forget to consolidate the dictatorship of the proletariat, and that we must take various measures to prevent a revisionist usurpation of leadership, to prevent a capitalist restoration. He points out that the overthrow of political power is necessarily preceded by efforts to seize hold of the superstructure and ideology in order to prepare public opinion, and that this is true both of the revolutionary and the counterrevolutionary classes. Proceeding from this fundamental point of departure, Comrade Mao Tse-tung has called on us to launch the class struggle in the ideological field to foster what is proletarian and eradicate what is bourgeois.
   Here is a great truth, a great development of Marxism-Leninism.
     History shows that the bourgeoisie first took hold of ideology and prepared public opinion before it seized political power from the feudal landlord class. Starting from the period of the "Renaissance," the European bourgeoisie persistently criticized feudal ideology and propagated bourgeois ideology. It was in the 17th and 18th centuries, after several hundred years of preparation of public opinion, that the bourgeoisie seized political power and established its dictatorship in one European country after another.
  Marx and Engels began propagating the theories of communism more than a century ago. They did so to prepare public opinion for the seizure of political power by the proletariat. The Russian proletarian revolution culminated in the seizure of political power only after decades of preparation of public opinion. Our own experience is even fresher in our minds. When the Chinese proletariat began to appear on the political scene, it was weak and unarmed. How was the revolution to start? It started with the propagation of Marxism-Leninism and the exposure of imperialism and its lackeys in China. The struggle of the Chinese proletariat for the seizure of political power began precisely with the May 4th cultural revolution.
     In the final analysis, the history of the seizure of political power by the Chinese proletariat is a history of Mao Tse-tung's thought gripping the masses of workers, peasants and soldiers. As the masses have aptly put it: "Without Mao Tse-tung's thought, there would have been no New China." By integrating Marxism-Leninism with the practice of the Chinese revolution, Comrade Mao Tse-tung, the great revolutionary standard-bearer, changed the whole face of the Chinese revolution. Historical experience shows that Mao Tse-tung's thought enabled us to gain the increasing support of the masses, to have armed forces and guns, to set up one revolutionary base area after another, to seize political power bit by bit and finally to take over political power throughout the country.
    
  Having seized political power, the proletariat has become the ruling class and the landlord and capitalist classes have become the ruled. The landlord class and the reactionary bourgeoisie will never be reconciled to being ruled or to their extinction. They are constantly dreaming of a restoration through subversion of the dictatorship of the proletariat, so that they can once again ride on the backs of the working people. They still have great strength. They have money, extensive social contacts and international links, and experience in counter-revolution. In particular, the ideology of the exploiting classes still has a very big market. Some unsteady elements in the revolutionary ranks are prone to be corrupted by this ideology and consequently become counter-revolutionaries. Moreover, the spontaneous influence of the petty-bourgeoisie ceaselessly engenders capitalism. Having seized political power the proletariat still faces the danger of losing it. After being established the socialist system still faces the danger of a capitalist restoration. Failure to give this serious attention and take the necessary steps will end in our Party and our country changing colour and will cause tens of millions of our people to lose their lives.
  Bourgeois and feudal ideologies are one of the most important strongholds of the overthrown landlord and capitalist classes after the socialist transformation of the ownership of the means of production has been effected. Their efforts at restoration are first of all directed at getting their hold over ideology and using their decadent ideas in every possible way to deceive the masses. The seizure of ideology and the moulding of public opinion are the bourgeoisie's preparation for the subversion of the dictatorship of the proletariat. And when the opportunity is ripe, they will stage a coup to seize political power in one way or another.
  After the establishment of socialist relations of production, the Soviet Union failed to carry out a proletarian cultural revolution in earnest. Bourgeois ideology ran rife, corrupting the minds of the people and almost imperceptibly undermining the socialist relations of production. After the death of Stalin, there was a more blatant counter-revolutionary moulding of public opinion by the Khrushchev revisionist group. And this group soon afterwards staged its "palace" coup to subvert the dictatorship of the proletariat and usurped Party, military and government power.
     In the 1956 Hungarian counter-revolutionary incident, the counter-revolutionaries also prepared public opinion before they took to the streets to create disturbances and stage riots. This counter-revolutionary incident was engineered by imperialism and started by a group of anti-communist intellectuals of the Petofi Club. Imre Nagy, who at that time still wore the badge of a Communist, was "fitted out with a king's robe" and became the chieftain of the counter-revolutionaries.
  International historical experience of the dictatorship of the proletariat shows that this dictatorship cannot be consolidated, nor can the socialist system be consolidated, unless a proletarian cultural revolution is carried out and persistent efforts are made to eradicate bourgeois ideology. Bourgeois ideas spreading unchecked inevitably leads to the subversion of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the emergence of such representatives of the bourgeoisie as Khrushchev, who will seize political power through a "palace" coup or a military coup, or a combination of both. If the dictatorship of the proletariat is to be consolidated, if a country under the dictatorship of the proletariat is to advance in a socialist and communist direction, a proletarian cultural revolution is imperative; proletarian ideology must be fostered and bourgeois ideology eradicated and the ideological roots of revisionism must be pulled out completely and the roots of Marx-ism-Leninism, of Mao Tse-tung's thought, must be firmly implanted.
  Socialist revolution and socialist construction demand energetic efforts in many fields of work. Running through this work there must be a red line, which is nothing other than the class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, the struggle between the socialist and the capitalist roads, and the class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie in the field of ideology.
Comrade Mao Tse-tung teaches us:
  The class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, the class struggle between, the different political forces, and the class struggle in the ideological field between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie will continue to be long and tortuous and at times will even become very acute. The proletariat seeks to transform the world according to its own world outlook, and so does the bourgeoisie. In this respect, the question of which will win out, socialism or capitalism, is still not really settled. (On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People.)
  The purpose of the proletarian cultural revolution is to settle the question of "who will win" in the ideological field between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. It is a protracted and difficult historical task that runs through every field of work.
  Some comrades regard the debates in the press between the proletariat and the reactionary bourgeoisie as "trivial, paper polemics" of literary men. Immersed in their work, some comrades are not concerned with the struggle on the ideological and cultural fronts and pay no heed to the class struggle in the field of ideology. This is absolutely wrong and most dangerous. If bourgeois ideology is allowed to run wild, the dictatorship of the proletariat will become the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, and the socialist system will become a capitalist system, or a semi-colonial, semi-feudal system. We must shout to these people: Comrades! The enemy is sharpening his sword, he wants to cut off our heads, he wants to overturn our state power. How is it that you see it and hear it and take no notice?
  
     Both the seizure and consolidation of political power depend on the pen as well as the gun. If we are to safeguard and carry forward the revolutionary cause, we must not only hold on firmly to the gun but must take up the proletarian pen to blast and sweep away the pen of the bourgeoisie. Only by sweeping away all bourgeois ideology can we consolidate proletarian political power and keep an ever firmer hold on the proletarian gun.
  A good look at the class struggle on the ideological and cultural fronts makes one stirred to the soul.
  The struggle on the ideological and cultural fronts between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, between Marxism and anti-Marxism, has never ceased for a moment since the founding of the Chinese People's Republic. After the establishment of socialist relations of production this class struggle in the ideological field has become ever deeper, ever more complex and acute.
  In 1957 the bourgeois Rightists launched a frenzied attack against the Party and socialism. Before the alliance of the reactionary politicians headed by Chang Po-chun and Lo Lung-chi came out into the open in this offensive, bourgeois Rightist intellectuals had already scattered a good many poisonous weeds around; one after another, there emerged a number of counter-revolutionary notions, political programmes and films and novels. These were obviously efforts to prepare public opinion for the bourgeois Rightists to seize political power.
     Under the wise leadership of the Party's Central Committee and Chairman Mao, the Chinese people repulsed this wild offensive of the bourgeois Rightists and won an important victory on the political and ideological fronts.
     Then in 1958, under the great red banner of the general line for socialist construction, the Chinese people embarked with boundless enthusiasm and energy on the great leap forward in every field of work and set up the people's communes in a big way. At the same time, the masses of workers, peasants and soldiers zealously took to studying Chairman Mao's works and applying his thought in a creative way. A revolution also began on the ideological and cultural fronts.
  From 1959 to 1962, China suffered temporary economic difficulties as a result of sabotage by the Soviet revisionists and three successive years of serious natural calamities. But difficulties could not intimidate the revolutionary Chinese people. They worked hard and courageously forged ahead under the wise leadership of the Party's Central Committee and Chairman Mao. Within a few years they had overcome the difficulties and brought about an excellent situation. However, in these few years of economic difficulties, monsters had come out of their hiding places one after another. The offensive of the reactionary bourgeoisie against the Party and socialism reached a degree of utmost fury.
  In the field of philosophical studies, Yang Hsien-chen blatantly spread the fallacy denying the identity of idea and being in an attempt to hold back the masses of workers, peasants and soldiers from bringing their subjective initiative into play and to oppose the great leap forward. Subsequently, he came out with the theory of "two combining into one," thus providing philosophical "grounds" for the extremely reactionary political line which advocated the liquidation of struggle in our relations with imperialism, the reactionaries and modern revisionism, and reduction of assistance and support to the revolutionary struggle of other peoples, as well as the extension of plots for private use and of free markets, the increase of small enterprises with sole responsibility for their own profits or losses, and the fixing of output quotas based on the household. The so-called "authorities" representing the bourgeoisie who had wormed their way into the Party wildly brandished the three cudgels of "philistinism," "oversimplification" and "pragmatism" to oppose the workers, peasants and soldiers from studying Chairman Mao's works and applying his thought in a creative way. Moreover, exploiting their positions and powers, they forbade the press to publish philosophical articles written by workers, peasants and soldiers. At the same time, under the guise of studying the history of philosophy, certain bourgeois "specialists" widely propagated the ideas of "liberty, equality and fraternity" and lavished praise on Confucius, making use of this mummy to publicize their whole set of bourgeois ideas.
  In the field of economic studies, Sun Yeh-fang and company put forward a whole set of revisionist fallacies. They wanted to put profit and money in command to oppose putting Mao Tse-tung's thought and politics in command. They vainly attempted to change the socialist relations of production and turn socialist enterprises into capitalist ones.
     In the field of historical studies, a pack of bourgeois "authorities" launched unscrupulous attacks on the revolution in historical studies which began in 1958. They opposed putting Marxism-Leninism, Mao Tse-tung's thought, in command in historical research and spread the notion that historical data are everything. They used what they called "historicism" to counter the Marxist-Leninist theory of class struggle. They bitterly haled those revolutionary research workers in history who made critical appraisals of emperors, kings, generals and prime ministers and gave prominence to the peasants and the peasant wars. They lauded the emperors, kings, generals and prime ministers to the skies while energetically vilifying the peasants and peasant wars. They wore the bourgeois "royalists" in the field of historical studies. Among them, some were inveterate anti-communists. These include Wu Han and Chien Po-tsan.
  In the field of literature and art, the representatives of the bourgeoisie spared no effort to propagate the whole revisionist line in literature and art to oppose Chairman Mao's line, and vigorously propagated what they called the traditions of the 1930s. Typical were their theories on "truthful writing," on "the broad path of realism," on "the deepening of realism," on opposition to "subject-matter as the decisive factor," on "middle characters," on opposition to "the smell of gunpowder," on "the merging of various trends as the spirit of the age," and on "discarding the classics and rebelling against orthodoxy." Under the "guidance" of these theories, there appeared a wave of bad, anti-Party, anti-socialist operas and plays, films and novels, and histories of the cinema and of literature.
     In the field of education, the representatives of the bourgeoisie did their utmost to oppose the educational policy advanced by Chairman Mao, which is aimed at enabling the educated to develop morally, intellectually and physically and become socialist-minded, cultured working people. They spared no effort in opposing the part-work, part-study educational system and propagating the educational "theories" and systems of Soviet revisionism. They made desperate efforts to win the younger generation away from us in the vain hope of training them into heirs of the bourgeoisie.
  In the field of journalism, the representatives of the bourgeoisie exerted themselves to oppose the guiding role of journalism, and advocated the bourgeois conception of "imparting knowledge." They vainly attempted to strangle the leadership of Marxism-Lenin-ism, of Mao Tse-tung's thought, in journalistic work, hoping to give free currency to bourgeois contraband and wrest from us our journalistic base.
  The most reactionary and fanatical element in this adverse current was the anti-Party "Three-Family Village" gang. They had many bases — newspapers, magazines, forums and publishing organizations. Their long arms reached out to all corners of the cultural field and they usurped some positions of leadership. Their nose for anything reactionary was extremely sharp and their writings showed extremely close and prompt co-ordination with anything reactionary in the political atmosphere. Under direction, organized, acting according to plan and with set purposes, they prepared public opinion for the restoration of capitalism and the overthrow of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
     Playing the main role in this adverse current were the representatives of the bourgeoisie who had sneaked into the Party. They waved "red flags" to oppose the red flag and donned the cloak of Marxism-Leninism, of Mao Tse-tung's thought, to oppose Marxism-Lenin-ism and Mao Tse-tung's thought. Dressing themselves up as "authorities" on Marxism, as "authorities" clarifying the Party's policies, they wantonly spread poison and deceived the masses. They took advantage of their positions and powers, on the one hand to let loose all kinds of monsters, and on the other hand to suppress the counter-attacks of the proletarian Left. They are a bunch of schemers who put up the signboard of communism behind which they actually peddled anti-Party and anti-socialist poison. They are a most dangerous bunch.
     We have constantly fought back against the attacks launched by the bourgeoisie from 1959 onwards. Especially since last November, when Comrade Yao Wen-yuan published his article "On the New Historical Drama Hai Jut Dismissed From Office" and sounded the clarion of the great proletarian cultural revolution, a mass counter-offensive against the bourgeoisie's attacks has opened up.
  In this counter-attack the political consciousness of the broad masses of workers, peasants, soldiers, revolutionary cadres and revolutionary intellectuals has risen to an unprecedented level and their fighting power has enormously increased. The battles fought by the masses have shattered and uprooted the "Three-Family Village" anti-Party clique. And its roots lay nowhere else than in the former Peking Municipal Party Committee. A black anti-Party and anti-socialist line ran through the leadership of the former Peking Municipal Committee of the Communist Party. Some of its leading members are not Marxist-Leninists, but revisionists. They controlled many bases and media and exercised a dictatorship over the proletariat. They are a clique of careerists and conspirators. Their plots were exposed and they were defeated. The Central Committee of our Party reorganized the Peking Municipal Party Committee and established a new one. This decision was very wise and absolutely correct. It was a new victory for Mao Tse-tung's thought.
  From the moment we launched this large-scale counter-attack last year, the representatives of the bourgeoisie who wormed their way into the Party and waved "red flags" to oppose the red flag, were thrown into utter confusion. They hurriedly invoked five "talismans" to support and shelter the bourgeois Rightists and suppress and attack the proletarian Left.
  One of these "talismans" was raised in the name of "opening wide."
  The representatives of the bourgeoisie, who wormed their way into the Party and waved "red flags" to oppose the red flag, tried their best to distort the Party's "opening wide" policy by removing its class content and twisting it into bourgeois liberalization. They allowed only the bourgeois Rightists to "speak out" and did not allow the proletarian Left to enter the contest. They allowed only the bourgeois Rightists to attack and did not allow the proletarian Left to counter-attack. They let the Rightists "open" as wide as they could while they either shelved the counterattacking manuscripts sent in by those of the Left or compelled the authors to rewrite them in the light of their ideas. They said that Hai Jul Dismissed From Office should not be criticized from a political angle, otherwise this would affect the "opening wide" and people would not dare to speak up. We would like to ask these lords: Did you just "open" very slightly? Haven't you attacked the Party politically in the manner of a warrior brandishing his sword, or drawing his bow? Why did you prohibit the proletariat from "opening wide" to counter-attack the bourgeois Rightists politically? In fact, your "opening wide" gave the green light to all the bourgeoisie and the red light to hold back the proletariat.
  Another "talisman" went by the name of "construction before destruction."
  Pretending to be "dialecticians," the representatives of the bourgeoisie, who wormed their way into the Party and waved "red flags" to oppose the red flag, set up a clamour about "construction before destruction" when the proletariat countered the bourgeois attack. And on the pretext of "construction before destruction," they would not allow the proletariat to destroy bourgeois ideology, to attack the reactionary political citadel of the bourgeoisie. "Construction before destruction" is opposed to dialectics and Mao Tse-tung's thought. Comrade Mao Tse-tung constantly teaches us that there is no construction without destruction. It is precisely destruction that we want to come first. Destruction means revolution, it means criticism. Destruction necessarily calls for reasoning, and reasoning is construction. Marxism-Leninism, Mao Tse-tung's thought, has all developed in the struggle to destroy bourgeois ideology, Right opportunism and "Left" opportunism. Historical dialectics is nothing other than destruction before construction and construction in the course of destruction. Is not Marxism-Leninism, Mao Tse-tung's thought — the greatest truth ever known since time immemorial — construction? We would like to ask those bourgeois lords, what is it you want to construct? Obviously, only bourgeois, reactionary ideology and not proletarian, revolutionary ideology. When the proletariat, employing Marxism-Leninism, Mao Tse-tung's thought, irresistibly countered the bourgeois attack and set to work to destroy bourgeois ideology, the clamour you set up about "construction before destruction" was precisely for the purpose of protecting the Rightists and preventing the Left from counter-attacking. It was opposition to the proletarian cultural revolution.
     A third "talisman" came under the head of opposing and holding back the growth of "Left scholar-tyrants."
  Whenever the proletarian Left countered bourgeois attacks, the representatives of the bourgeoisie, who wormed their way into the Party and waved "red flags" to oppose the red flag, on the pretext of wanting to be "meticulous" and "profound," condemned the Left as being "crude" and acting like a "cudgel."' During the present great counter-offensive against bourgeois attacks, they again invoked the "talisman" of opposing and holding back the growth of "Left scholar-tyrants" in a vain attempt to hold the proletarian Left down and suppress it. This would never do. We say that the tag of "scholar-tyrant" fits you bourgeois representatives and "academic authorities" perfectly. You lords who wormed your way into the Party and shielded and backed the bourgeois scholar-tyrants are the big Party-tyrants and scholar-tyrants — tyrants who do not read the newspapers and books, who are divorced from the masses and devoid of knowledge, and who try to overwhelm others by the use of your power. The proletarian Left always insists on the truth of Marxism-Leninism, the truth of Mao Tse-tung's thought, and relies on scientific contention and evidence in criticizing bourgeois ideology. The proletarian Left has nothing in common with "scholar-tyrants." We shall enter the lists against the bourgeois "scholar-tyrants" with colours flying and denounce you, the small handful of big Party-tyrants and scholar-tyrants. We tell you lords, who malign the Left as a "cudgel," that the Left is the steel cudgel, the golden cudgel, of the proletariat. And we shall use this cudgel to smash the old world to smithereens, defeat your handful of big Party-tyrants and scholar-tyrants and destroy your underworld kingdom. This is what is called the dictatorship of the proletariat.
     Another "talisman" went by the name of "purely academic discussion."
  In order to cover up the bourgeois Rightist attacks on the Party and socialism and, at the same time, to suppress the counter-attacks of the proletarian Left, the representatives of the bourgeoisie, who wormed their way into the Party and waved "red flags" to oppose the red flag, described the class struggle in the realm of ideology as a "purely academic discussion." We would ask these lords: Is there really anything academic about Wu Han's "Hai Jui Scolds the Emperor" and Hai Jui Dismissed From Office and the anti-Party and anti-socialist double-talk of Teng To, Liao Mo-sha and company? The so-called "purely academic discussion" is a fraud the bourgeoisie often plays. There is nothing "purely academic" in class society; everything academic is based on the world outlook of a given class, is subordinate to politics and serves the politics and economy of a given class in one way or another. In the course of our present full-scale counter-offensive, the representatives of the bourgeoisie held up the "talisman" of so-called "purely academic discussion" and opposed putting politics first in order to cover up the vital political issue concerning the anti-Party "Three-Family Village" or "Four Family Village" gangster inns, to put bourgeois politics first and oppose putting proletarian politics first, and to drag this great struggle to the Right and divert it on to a revisionist course.
  Still another important "talisman" of theirs was what they called: "Everybody is equal before the truth," "everyone has his share of erroneous statements" and "it is all a muddle."
     In the course of the proletarian counter-offensive against the bourgeoisie, the representatives of the bourgeoisie, who wormed their way into the Party and waved "red flags" to oppose the red flag, invoked this "talisman," on the one hand to get their own men to hang on to their positions and not retreat an inch, and on the other hand to create confusion so that they could fish in troubled waters and await an opportunity to counter-attack.
  The out-and-out bourgeois slogan of "everybody is equal before the truth" is thoroughly hypocritical.

There can be no equality at all between opposing classes. Truth has its class nature. In the present era, the proletariat alone is able to master objective truth because its class interests are in complete conformity with the objective laws. The reactionary and decadent bourgeoisie has long been completely divorced from the truth. Its so-called "truth" can be nothing more than a fallacy that runs counter to the tide of the times and the objective laws. There can be no equality whatsoever between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, between proletarian ideology and bourgeois ideology, between proletarian truth and bourgeois fallacy. The only question involved is whether the East wind prevails over the West wind or vice versa. Can any equality be permitted on such basic questions as the struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, the dictatorship of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie, the dictatorship of the proletariat in the sphere of the superstructure including the various fields of culture, and the continual cleansing of the proletarian ranks of representatives of the bourgeoisie who have wormed their way into the Party and wave "red flags" to oppose the red flag? The old social democrats in the decades gone by and the modern revisionists in the past decade and more have never permitted the proletariat to enjoy equality with the bourgeoisie. In bringing up the slogan ''everybody is equal before the truth," the representatives of the bourgeoisie who wormed their way into the Party wanted to bolster up the anti-Party and anti-socialist elements while suppressing the counter-attacks of the Left. We would like to ask these lords: Weren't you prating about equality with your tongue in your cheek? Why did you withhold from publication articles by the Left, while you permitted the Rightists alone to publish their numerous poisonous weeds? What equality was this? We have to tell you bluntly, we absolutely will not permit you any equality with the proletariat. Our struggle against you is one of life and death. With regard to your kind of anti-Party and anti-socialist gangs, dictatorship is the only thing.
  The argument that "everyone has his share of erroneous statements" and "it is all a muddle" was a great conspiracy. We consider that first of all a line of demarcation must be drawn between classes, between revolution and counter-revolution. In the course of understanding objective events, the revolutionary Left may commit one error or another, but these cannot be mentioned in the same breath as the anti-Party, anti-socialist and counter-revolutionary speeches and actions of the bourgeois Rightists; the two things are radically different. In the present great cultural revolution the principal contradiction is the antagonistic one between, on the one hand, the broad masses of the workers, peasants, soldiers, revolutionary cadres and revolutionary intellectuals, and, on the other hand, you the handful of anti-Party and anti-socialist representatives of the bourgeoisie. This is a contradiction between revolution and counter-revolution, an irreconcilable contradiction between the enemy and ourselves. As for your counterrevolutionary speeches and actions, we must subject them all to merciless criticism and sound the call for attack. Bourgeois academic ideas in general must, of course, come under criticism, but that is different from the treatment befitting anti-Party and anti-socialist elements such as you are. In dealing with ordinary bourgeois scholars, we shall go on providing them with suitable conditions of work and let them remould their world outlook in the course of their work, provided they do not oppose the Communist Party and the people. When we hit back at the attacks by the bourgeoisie, the bourgeois representatives who sneaked into our Party set up the clamour about "everyone has his share of erroneous statements" and "it is all a muddle" with no other aim than holding the Left in a light grip, of revenging themselves by creating a great muddle. This was just a waste of effort. We go by Chairman Mao's guidance and make a distinction between the Left, the middle and the Right; we rely on the Left, combat the Right and win over, unite with and educate the majority so as to carry the great proletarian cultural revolution through to the end.
     All these "talismans" of the bourgeois representatives who sneaked into the Party and waved "red flags" to oppose the red flag, were all directed at one goal — the subjection of the proletariat to their dictatorship. They already usurped some leading positions and applied dictatorship over us in various fields of culture. We have to recapture all these positions and overthrow these bourgeois representatives.
  A striking feature of the bourgeois representatives who sneaked into the Party is their opposition to the red flag while waving "red flags."
     How can we recognize them? The only way is "to read Chairman Mao's works, follow his teachings and act on his instructions."
  Mao Tse-tung's thought is the acme of Marxism-Leninism in the present era, it is living Marxism-Leninism at its highest. The theory and practice of Comrade Mao Tse-tung may be likened to the ceaseless movement of the sun and moon in the skies and the endless flow of the rivers and streams on earth. Comrade Mao Tse-tung's works are the highest directives for all our work. The watershed between Marxism-Leninism and revisionism, between revolution and counter-revolution, lies in whether one supports Mao Tse-tung's thought and acts in accordance with it or whether one rejects it and refuses to act in accordance with it.
  We endorse and support all that is in keeping with Mao Tse-tung's thought. We shall fearlessly struggle against and overthrow anybody who opposes Mao Tse-tung's thought, no matter how high the position he holds and how great the "fame" and "authority" he enjoys.
  The representatives of the bourgeoisie who wormed their way into the Party look like a "colossus.' Yet in fact, like all reactionaries, they are only paper tigers.
     Mao Tse-tung's thought is the steering gear, and the workers, peasants and soldiers are the main force in the proletarian cultural revolution. This being so, we can certainly defeat every kind of monsters and win victory after victory in the proletarian cultural revolution.
  Maliciously and gleefully, the landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, bad elements and Rightists at home and the imperialists and revisionists abroad think that they can gain some advantage while we are unmasking and criticizing the anti-Party "Three-Family Village" gang. We have to tell the reactionaries at home and abroad that they are as stupid as a donkey. The exact purpose of unmasking the anti-Party "Three-Family Village" gang, subjecting them to criticism and sweeping away all the monsters is to eliminate your agents within our Party and our country and remove the "lime-bomb" on which you place your hopes. As the great proletarian cultural revolution develops in depth, we shall implant Mao Tse-tung's thought still more firmly among the people all over the country and completely dig out the roots of revisionism and of the restoration of capitalism. History will ruthlessly deride you silly donkeys.
     The reactionaries at home and abroad have spread the lie that we are attacking all intellectuals. This is nonsense. China's great proletarian cultural revolution is directed against a handful of evil men who put up the signboard of communism behind which they peddled their anti-communist wares; it is directed against a handful of anti-Party, anti-socialist and counter-revolutionary bourgeois intellectuals. With regard to the great number of intellectuals who came over from the old society, our policy is to unite with them, educate and remould them. And the ranks of the proletarian intellectuals are steadily growing in the course of the great cultural revolution.
     Revolutionary people, let us all unite still more closely on the basis of Mao Tse-tung's thought!
     Holding high the great red banner of Mao Tse-tung's thought, and the great red banner of the proletarian cultural revolution, let us go forward in triumph!
Long live the great proletarian cultural revolution!

("Hongqi" editorial. No. 8, 1966.)




  
  
  

 
 
顶端 Posted: 2009-02-08 14:39 | [楼 主]
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无产阶级文化大革命万岁:《红旗》一九六六年第八期社论
《红旗》杂志编辑部
1966.06.11




由毛主席和党中央直接领导的一个史无前例的、群众性的无产阶级文化大革命,正在迅速地猛烈地开展,其势如排山倒海,锐不可当。

广大的工农兵、广大的革命干部和广大的革命知识分子,高举着毛泽东思想伟大红旗,正在横扫钻进党内的资产阶级代表人物,横扫一切牛鬼蛇神,横扫一切腐朽的资产阶级意识形态和封建的意识形态。在政治战线和思想文化战线上,出现了一个空前未有的大好形势。

这是在上层建筑中,在意识形态领域里的一场“兴无灭资”的极其尖锐复杂的阶级斗争。这是一场资产阶级复辟和无产阶级反复辟的你死我活的斗争。这场斗争,关系到我国无产阶级专政和社会主义经济基础能否巩固和向前发展,关系到我们党和国家变不变颜色,关系到我们党和国家的命运和前途,也关系到世界革命的命运和前途。对这场斗争,切切不可等闲视之。

为什么必须进行无产阶级文化革命?为什么无产阶级文化革命这样重要?

毛泽东同志科学地总结了国际无产阶级专政的历史经验,提出了社会主义社会的矛盾、阶级和阶级斗争的学说。他经常提醒我们千万不要忘记阶级斗争,千万不要忘记突出政治,千万不要忘记巩固无产阶级专政,必须采取各种措施防止修正主义篡夺领导,防止资本主义复辟。他指出:要推翻一个政权,必须先抓上层建筑,先抓意识形态,做好舆论准备,革命的阶级是这样,反革命的阶级也是这样。毛泽东同志正是从这样一个基本观点出发,号召我们在意识形态领域里开展“兴无灭资”的阶级斗争。

这是一个伟大的真理,这是对于马克思列宁主义的一个伟大发展。

在历史上,资产阶级从封建地主阶级手里夺取政权,就是先抓意识形态,先作舆论准备。欧洲资产阶级,从“文艺复兴”起,就不断地批判封建的意识形态,宣传资产阶级的意识形态。经过了好几个世纪的舆论准备,欧洲各国的资产阶级才先后在十七、十八世纪夺取了政权,建立了资产阶级专政。

在一百多年以前,马克思和恩格斯开始宣传共产主义学说,就是为无产阶级夺取政权作舆论准备的。俄国无产阶级革命,经过了几十年的舆论准备,才夺取了政权。我们自己的切身经验,更是记忆犹新的。当中国无产阶级开始登上政治舞台的时候,力量薄弱,手无寸铁。干革命,从那里开始?宣传马克思列宁主义,揭露帝国主义和它在中国的走狗。中国无产阶级夺取政权的斗争,就是从五四文化革命开始的。

中国无产阶级夺取政权的历史,从根本上说来,就是毛泽东思想掌握工农兵群众的历史。群众说得好:“没有毛泽东思想,就没有新中国。”伟大的革命旗手毛泽东同志,把马克思列宁主义同中国革命实践结合起来,使得中国革命的面目为之一新。历史经验告诉我们,有了毛泽东思想,就能日益得到群众的拥护,就有了军队、有了枪,就能一块一块地建立革命根据地,一部分一部分地夺取政权,而终于夺取了全国政权。

无产阶级取得了政权,就成了统治的阶级,地主资产阶级成了被统治的阶级。地主阶级和反动资产阶级绝不甘心被统治,绝不甘心死亡,他们时时刻刻梦想复辟,颠覆无产阶级专政,企图重新骑在劳动人民的头上。他们还有很强大的力量,他们有金钱,有广泛的社会联系和国际联系,有反革命的经验,特别是剥削阶级的意识形态还有很大的市场。革命队伍中的一些不坚定的分子,会被剥削阶级的思想腐蚀,以至变成反革命。而且,小资产阶级自发势力还每时每刻产生资本主义。无产阶级夺取了政权,还存在丧失政权的危险,社会主义制度建立以后,还存在资本主义复辟的危险。如果不严重地注意这一点,采取必要的措施,那就要使我们党和国家变颜色,那就要千百万人头落地。

在生产资料所有制方面实现了社会主义改造之后,被打倒了的地主资产阶级,他们最重要的一个阵地,就是资产阶级的和封建主义的意识形态。他们的复辟活动,首先就是要抓意识形态,千方百计地用他们那一套腐朽的思想,欺骗群众。抓意识形态,制造舆论,这是资产阶级颠覆无产阶级专政的准备。一旦时机成熟,他们就要用这种方式或那种方式举行政变,夺取政权。

苏联在建立了社会主义生产关系之后,没有认真地进行无产阶级文化革命。资产阶级意识形态日益泛滥,腐蚀着人们的头脑,并且以一种令人不易察觉的方式,瓦解着社会主义生产关系。斯大林逝世之后,赫鲁晓夫修正主义集团更加明目张胆地制造反革命舆论,不久,他们就举行了颠覆无产阶级专政的“宫廷”政变,篡夺了党权、军权、政权。

一九五六年匈牙利反革命事件,反革命分子也是先作舆论准备,然后上街闹事,举行暴乱。这个反革命事件,就是在帝国主义策划下,由裴多菲俱乐部一群反共知识分子发动的。当时还挂着共产党员牌子的纳吉,“黄袍加身”,做了反革命的头目。

国际无产阶级专政的历史经验告诉我们:不进行无产阶级文化革命,不坚持消灭资产阶级意识形态,无产阶级专政就不能巩固,社会主义制度就不能巩固。资产阶级思想自由泛滥的结果,必然是无产阶级专政被颠覆,必然出现象赫鲁晓夫那样的资产阶级代表人物,采取“宫廷”政变的形式,或者采取武装政变的形式,或者两种形式相结合,来夺取政权。要巩固无产阶级专政,要使无产阶级专政的国家沿着社会主义、共产主义的方向发展,就必须进行无产阶级文化革命,兴无产阶级的意识形态,灭资产阶级的意识形态,彻底地拔掉修正主义的思想根子,牢牢地扎下马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想的根子。

社会主义革命和社会主义建设,需要努力去做多方面的工作。在这些工作中,必须贯串一条红线,这条红线就是无产阶级和资产阶级之间的阶级斗争,就是社会主义和资本主义两条道路的斗争,就是无产阶级和资产阶级之间在意识形态方面的阶级斗争。

毛泽东同志教导我们:

“无产阶级和资产阶级之间的阶级斗争,各派政治力量之间的阶级斗争,无产阶级和资产阶级之间在意识形态方面的阶级斗争,还是长时期的,曲折的,有时甚至是很激烈的。无产阶级要按照自己的世界观改造世界,资产阶级也要按照自己的世界观改造世界。在这一方面,社会主义和资本主义之间谁胜谁负的问题还没有真正解决。”(《关于正确处理人民内部矛盾的问题》)

无产阶级文化革命,就是要解决无产阶级和资产阶级之间在意识形态方面“谁胜谁负”的问题。这是一个长期的、艰巨的、贯串在一切工作中的历史任务。

有些同志,把无产阶级和反动资产阶级在报刊上的争论,看作是文人“打笔墨官司,无足轻重”。有些同志,埋头业务,不关心思想文化战线上的斗争,不注意意识形态领域里的阶级斗争。这是完全错误的,极端危险的。如果听任资产阶级的意识形态自由泛滥,其结果就会是无产阶级专政变为资产阶级专政,社会主义制度变为资本主义制度,变为半殖民地半封建的制度。对于这些同志,要大喝一声:同志!敌人磨刀霍霍,要杀我们的头,要推翻我们的政权,你怎么视而不见、听而不闻呢?

夺取政权要靠枪杆子、笔杆子,巩固政权也要靠这两杆子。我们要保卫和发展革命事业,不仅要牢牢地抓住我们的枪杆子,而且必须拿起无产阶级的笔杆子,横扫资产阶级的笔杆子。清除资产阶级的意识形态,才能巩固无产阶级政权,才能更加牢固地抓住无产阶级的枪杆子。

看看思想文化战线上的阶级斗争,令人惊心动魄。

建国以来,在思想文化战线上,无产阶级同资产阶级的斗争,马克思主义同反马克思主义的斗争,从来没有停止过。在建立了社会主义的生产关系之后,这种意识形态领域里的阶级斗争,更加深入,更加复杂,更加激烈。

一九五七年资产阶级右派向党向社会主义发动了猖狂进攻。在这次进攻中,章罗联盟反动政客集团公开出台以前,资产阶级右派的知识分子,就放出了大量的毒草,一批反革命的观点、反革命的政纲和反革命的电影、小说,纷纷出笼了。很显然,这一套东西,都是为资产阶级右派夺取政权作舆论准备的。

中国人民在党中央和毛主席的英明领导下,打退了资产阶级右派的猖狂进攻,在政治战线和思想战线上取得了重大胜利。

一九五八年,中国人民在社会主义建设总路线的伟大红旗照耀下,意气风发,干劲冲天,在各条战线上展开了大跃进,大办人民公社。同时,工农兵群众热情地活学活用毛主席著作。思想文化战线上也开始了革命。

从一九五九年到一九六二年这个期间,由于苏联修正主义者的破坏和连续三年的严重自然灾害,我国遭受了暂时经济困难。困难,吓不倒革命的中国人民。中国人民在党中央和毛主席的英明领导下,埋头苦干,奋发图强。经过了几年,就克服了困难,出现了大好形势。可是在经济困难的几年里,牛鬼蛇神纷纷出笼,反动资产阶级向党向社会主义的进攻,达到了极其猖獗的程度。

在哲学界,杨献珍大肆宣传否认意识和存在具有同一性的谬论,来打击工农兵群众发挥主观能动性,来反对大跃进。接着杨献珍又抛出了“合二而一”论,为“三和一少”、“三自一包”(注)的极端反动政治路线,提供哲学“根据”。钻进党内的那些代表资产阶级的所谓“权威”人物,猖狂地挥舞起“庸俗化”、“简单化”、“实用主义”这三根棍子,反对工农兵活学活用毛主席著作。他们还利用职权,禁止报刊发表工农兵的哲学论文。同时,某些资产阶级“专家”,借研究哲学史为名,大肆宣扬“自由、平等、博爱”,大肆吹捧孔子,利用孔子这具僵尸,宣扬他们一整套的资产阶级观点。

在经济学界,孙冶方等人提出一整套修正主义谬论。他们反对毛泽东思想挂帅、政治挂帅,主张利润挂帅、钞票挂帅。他们妄图改变社会主义的生产关系,把社会主义企业变成资本主义的企业。

在史学界,一批资产阶级“权威”,对一九五八年开始的史学革命,大肆攻击。他们反对史学研究工作要以马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想挂帅,宣扬史料就是一切。他们用所谓“历史主义”,反对马克思列宁主义的阶级斗争学说。他们对革命的史学工作者批判帝王将相,突出农民和农民战争,十分仇恨。他们对帝王将相歌颂到无以复加的程度,对农民和农民战争则尽情污蔑。他们是史学界里的资产阶级“保皇党”。其中,有些人是反共老手。吴晗、翦伯赞就是这样的人物。

在文艺界,资产阶级代表人物极力宣扬对抗毛主席文艺路线的一整套修正主义文艺路线,卖力地宣扬他们的所谓三十年代传统。“写真实”论,“现实主义广阔的道路”论,“现实主义深化”论,反“题材决定”论,“中间人物”论,反“火药味”论,“时代精神汇合”论,“离经叛道”论,等等,就是他们的代表性论点。在这些论点“指导”下,出了一批反党反社会主义的坏戏、坏电影、坏小说、坏电影史、坏文学史。

在教育界,资产阶级代表人物,极力反对毛主席提出的使受教育者在德育、智育、体育几方面都得到发展,成为有社会主义觉悟的有文化的劳动者这个教育方针,极力反对半工半读教育制度,宣扬苏联修正主义的一套教育“理论”和制度。他们拚死命地和我们争夺青年一代,妄图把青年一代培养成资产阶级的接班人。

在新闻界,资产阶级代表人物极力反对新闻要有指导性,提倡资产阶级的所谓“知识性”。他们妄图扼杀马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想对新闻工作的领导,妄图让资产阶级的货色自由泛滥,妄图夺取我们的新闻阵地。

在这股逆流中,最反动、最猖狂的是“三家村”反党集团。他们的阵地很多,有报纸,有刊物,有讲坛,有出版机关。他们的手特别长,伸到了文化领域的各界里,篡夺了部分的领导权。他们的反动政治嗅觉最灵敏,他们的作品配合反动政治气候最及时。他们是有指挥、有组织、有计划、有目的地为复辟资本主义、推翻无产阶级专政作舆论准备的。

在这股逆流中,钻进党内的资产阶级代表人物起了主要作用。他们打着“红旗”反红旗,披着马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想的外衣反对马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想。他们把自己打扮成马克思主义的“权威”,打扮成解释党的政策的“权威”,大肆放毒,欺骗群众。他们利用职权,一方面让牛鬼蛇神大批出笼,一方面压制无产阶级左派进行反击。这是一撮挂着共产主义羊头、卖反党反社会主义狗肉的阴谋家。这是一些最危险的人物。

对于从一九五九年以来的资产阶级进攻,我们不断地进行反击。特别是从去年十一月姚文元同志发表了《评新编历史剧〈海瑞罢官〉》以来,吹起了无产阶级文化大革命的号角,展开了一场群众性的对资产阶级进攻的反击战。

在这场反击战中,广大的工农兵、广大的革命干部和广大的革命知识分子,觉悟空前地提高了,战斗力大大地增强了。经过群众的战斗,粉碎了“三家村”反党集团,挖掉了“三家村”反党集团的根子。这个根子就是前北京市委。前北京市委的领导,贯串了一条反党反社会主义的黑线。前北京市委的一些主要负责人,不是马克思列宁主义者,而是修正主义者。他们把持了许多阵地和工具,对无产阶级实行专政。他们是一个野心家、阴谋家集团。他们的阴谋被揭穿了,他们失败了。我们党中央改组了北京市委,建立了新市委。这是非常英明、非常正确的决定。这是毛泽东思想的新胜利。

从去年我们展开大规模的反击战以来,钻在党内打着“红旗”反红旗的资产阶级代表人物,就乱了阵脚,他们匆匆忙忙地祭起了五个“法宝”,来支持和包庇资产阶级右派,压制和打击无产阶级左派。

一个“法宝”,名之曰“放”。

钻在党内打着“红旗”反红旗的资产阶级代表人物,极力歪曲党的放的方针,抽掉放的阶级内容,把放的方针歪曲为资产阶级自由化。他们只准资产阶级右派“鸣”,不准无产阶级左派争,只准资产阶级右派进攻,不准无产阶级左派反击。他们让右派大放而特放,对左派反击的稿件则予以扣压,或者强令作者按照他们的意图加以修改。他们说:不要从政治上批判《海瑞罢官》,否则就妨碍了放,人家就不敢说话了。请问这班老爷们:你们“放”得还少吗?你们不是剑拔弩张地从政治上向党进攻吗?为什么不准无产阶级放,不准无产阶级对资产阶级右派从政治上进行反击?原来你们的“放”,就是对资产阶级开绿灯,一律放行,对无产阶级开红灯,不准通过。

一个“法宝”,叫作“先立后破”。

钻在党内打着“红旗”反红旗的资产阶级代表人物,装作“辩证法”家,在无产阶级反击资产阶级进攻的时候,大叫“先立后破”。他们借口“先立后破”,不准无产阶级破资产阶级意识形态,不准攻打资产阶级的反动政治堡垒。“先立后破”是反辩证法、反毛泽东思想的。毛泽东同志经常教导我们,不破不立。我们就是要破字当头。破就是革命,破就是批判。破就要讲道理,立也就在其中了。马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想,都是在破资产阶级意识形态、破右倾机会主义和“左”倾机会主义的斗争中发展起来的。先破后立、破中有立,这才是历史的辩证法。马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想是开天辟地以来最伟大的真理,难道这不是立吗?请问资产阶级老爷们,你们要立什么呢?很显然,你们是只准立资产阶级的反动思想,不准立无产阶级的革命思想。当无产阶级用马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想,以雷霆万钧之势,反击资产阶级进攻,大破资产阶级意识形态的时候,你们大叫“先立后破”,就是保护右派、不准左派反击,就是反对无产阶级文化革命。

一个“法宝”,叫作反对和防止“左派学阀”。

每当无产阶级左派反击资产阶级进攻的时候,钻在党内打着“红旗”反红旗的资产阶级代表人物,就在所谓要“细致”、“深入”种种借口下,大骂左派“粗暴”,是“棍子”。在这次对资产阶级进攻的大反击中,他们还祭起了反对和防止“左派学阀”这个“法宝”,妄图把无产阶级左派压在阴山之下。这是做不到的。我们说,“学阀”这顶帽子,只有戴在你们这些资产阶级代表人物的头上,戴在资产阶级所谓“学术权威”的头上,才恰当合适。你们这些钻在党内包庇支持资产阶级学阀的老爷,才是不看报,不读书,脱离群众,什么知识也没有的以势压人的大党阀、大学阀。无产阶级左派从来是坚持马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想的真理的,从来是靠科学论证批判资产阶级思想的。无产阶级左派跟“学阀”是不相干的。对于资产阶级“学阀”,对于你们这一小撮大党阀、大学阀,我们就是要大张旗鼓地进行讨伐。告诉骂左派是“棍子”的老爷们,左派是无产阶级的钢棍子、金棍子。我们就是要用这样的棍子把旧世界打个落花流水,打倒你们这撮大党阀、大学阀,捣毁你们的阎王殿。这就叫作无产阶级专政。

一个“法宝”,叫作“纯学术讨论”。

钻在党内打着“红旗”反红旗的资产阶级代表人物,把意识形态领域里的阶级斗争说成所谓“纯学术讨论”,一方面用以掩盖资产阶级右派向党向社会主义的进攻,一方面压制无产阶级左派进行反击。请问这班老爷们,吴晗的《海瑞骂皇帝》、《海瑞罢官》,邓拓、廖沫沙之流的反党反社会主义的黑话,究竟有什么学术?所谓“纯学术讨论”,这是资产阶级经常宣扬的骗人的东西。在阶级社会里,“纯学术”是没有的,一切学术都是建立在一定阶级的世界观的基础之上,一切学术都是从属于政治的,都是这样或那样为一定阶级的政治、经济服务的。在这次大反击战中,资产阶级代表人物,祭起所谓“纯学术讨论”这个“法宝”,反对突出政治,就是要掩盖“三家村”“四家村”之类反党黑店的政治要害,就是要突出资产阶级政治,反对突出无产阶级政治,就是要把这场大斗争拉向右转,纳入修正主义的轨道。

还有一个重要的“法宝”,叫作:“真理面前人人平等”,“错误言论大家有份”,“混战一场”。

在无产阶级向资产阶级进行的这场反击战中,钻在党内打着“红旗”反红旗的资产阶级代表人物祭起这个“法宝”,一方面要他们的亲信顶住,牢守阵地,寸步不让;一方面制造混乱,混水摸鱼,伺机反攻。

“真理面前人人平等”,这是一个彻头彻尾的资产阶级的口号,这个口号是完全虚伪的。在互相对立的阶级之间,根本没有什么平等可言。真理是有阶级性的。在当今时代,只有无产阶级才能掌握客观真理,因为无产阶级的阶级利益和客观规律完全一致。反动的腐朽的资产阶级,早已和真理绝缘,他们的所谓“真理”,只能是逆乎时代潮流,反乎客观规律的谬论。在无产阶级和资产阶级之间,在无产阶级意识形态和资产阶级意识形态之间,在无产阶级真理和资产阶级谬论之间,不是西风压倒东风,就是东风压倒西风,绝不可能有什么平等。无产阶级对资产阶级斗争,无产阶级对资产阶级专政,无产阶级在上层建筑其中包括在各个文化领域的专政,无产阶级继续清除资产阶级钻在共产党内打着“红旗”反红旗的代表人物等等,在这些基本问题上,难道能够允许有什么平等吗?几十年以来的老的社会民主党和十几年以来的现代修正主义,从来就不允许无产阶级同资产阶级有什么平等。钻在党内的资产阶级代表人物,拿出“真理面前人人平等”这个口号,是给反党反社会主义分子撑腰,对左派的反击进行压制。请问这班老爷们,你们不是口口声声的讲平等吗?为什么要扣压左派稿件,不予发表,只准右派大放毒草?这里有什么平等呢?老实告诉你们吧:我们绝不允许你们同无产阶级有什么平等,我们同你们的斗争是你死我活的斗争,对于你们这些反党反社会主义的黑帮,只能实行专政。

所谓“错误言论大家有份”,所谓要“混战一场”,这是一个大阴谋。我们说,首先要分清阶级界限,分清革命和反革命的界限。革命的左派,在对客观事物的认识过程中,也可能产生这样那样的错误,这同资产阶级右派反党反社会主义反革命的言行,是根本不同的,绝不能混为一谈。在这场文化大革命中的主要矛盾,就是广大的工农兵群众、广大的革命干部和广大的革命知识分子,同你们这一小撮反党反社会主义的资产阶级代表人物的对抗性矛盾。这是革命和反革命的矛盾,是不可调和的敌我矛盾。对于你们的一切反革命言行,我们一定要痛加批判,鸣鼓而攻之。对于一般的资产阶级学术思想,当然也是要批判的,但是,这同对待你们这样的反党反社会主义分子,是有区别的。我们对一般的资产阶级学者,只要他们不是反共反人民的,我们就要给他们以适当的工作条件,让他们在工作中不断地改造自己的世界观。钻在党内的资产阶级代表人物,在我们反击资产阶级进攻的时候,大叫“错误言论大家有份”,“混战一场”,其目的无非是揪住左派不放,企图把水搅浑,造成一片混乱,来一个反攻倒算。这是枉费心机的。我们要按照毛主席的指示,划分左、中、右,依靠左派,打击右派,争取、团结和教育大多数,把无产阶级文化大革命进行到底。

钻进党内打着“红旗”反红旗的资产阶级代表人物的这些“法宝”,集中到一点,就是他们要对无产阶级实行专政。他们在文化领域的各界里,已经篡夺了部分的领导权,对我们实行了专政。我们必须把这些阵地统统夺回来,把这些资产阶级代表人物统统打倒。

打着“红旗”反红旗,是钻进党内的资产阶级代表人物的一个最大特点。

怎样识别他们?唯一的办法,就是“读毛主席的书,听毛主席的话,照毛主席的指示办事”。

毛泽东思想是当代马克思列宁主义的顶峰,是当代最高最活的马克思列宁主义。毛泽东同志的理论和实践,如日月经天,江河行地。毛泽东同志的著作,是我们各项工作的最高指示。是拥护毛泽东思想,照毛泽东思想办事,还是抵制毛泽东思想,反对照毛泽东思想办事,这是马克思列宁主义和修正主义的分水岭,这是革命和反革命的分水岭。

凡是符合毛泽东思想的,我们就赞成,就拥护。凡是反对毛泽东思想的,无论他有多高的职位,拥有多大的“声誉”和“权威”,我们都要无所畏惧地同他斗争,把他打倒。

钻进党内的资产阶级代表人物,看来是一个“庞然大物”。其实,他们同一切反动派一样,都不过是纸老虎。

毛泽东思想是方向盘,工农兵是无产阶级文化革命的主力军。有了毛泽东思想这个方向盘,有了工农兵这支主力军,什么妖魔鬼怪都会被打倒,无产阶级文化革命一定能够取得一个又一个胜利。

当我们揭露和批判“三家村”反党集团的时候,国内的地富反坏右和外国帝国主义者、修正主义者,幸灾乐祸,以为可以从这里捞得一点油水。我们要告诉国内外的反动派:你们比驴子还要蠢。揭露和批判“三家村”反党集团,横扫一切牛鬼蛇神,正是打掉你们在我们党和国家内部的代理人,挖掉你们寄以希望的“定时炸弹”。随着无产阶级文化大革命的深入,我们将在全国人民中更加牢固地扎下毛泽东思想的根子,彻底挖掉修正主义的根子,挖掉资本主义复辟的根子。历史将无情地嘲弄你们这批蠢驴。

国内外反动派还污蔑我们打击一切知识分子。这是胡说。我国无产阶级文化大革命的斗争矛头,是针对着一小撮挂着共产主义羊头卖反共狗肉的坏人,是针对着一小撮反党反社会主义反革命的资产阶级知识分子。对于从旧社会来的广大知识分子,我们是采取团结、教育、改造的方针。在文化大革命中,无产阶级知识分子的队伍正在日益壮大。

一切革命的人们,在毛泽东思想的基础上更加紧密地团结起来!

让我们高举毛泽东思想的伟大红旗,高举无产阶级文化大革命的伟大红旗,乘胜前进!

无产阶级文化大革命万岁!



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注:“三和一少”,指对帝国主义、反动派、现代修正主义要和,对各国人民革命斗争的支援要少。“三自一包”,指多留自留地、多搞自由市场、多搞自负盈亏企业,包产到户。
  
  
  

 
 
顶端 Posted: 2009-02-09 02:03 | 1 楼
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