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 IMPORTANT TALK GIVEN BY COMRADE CHIANG CH'ING ON SEPTEMBER 5, 1967

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Source: CCP Documents of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution,1966-1967, P.520-P.534. Union Research Institute, Hong Kong,1968.
Transcribed for www.wengewang.org

CIRCULAR OF THE GENERAL OFFICE OF THE CCP CENTRAL COMMITTEE


The Central-South Bureau, the Kwangtung Provincial Military Control Committee, the Canton Military Region, and the Kwangtung Provincial Military District:

   The speech made by Comrade Chiang Ch'ing on September 5 at a conference of representatives of Anhwei who had come to Peking, made a correct analysis of the current situation of the great proletarian cultural revolution and set forth specific militant tasks for the proletarian revolutionaries. All revolutionary committees, military control committees, and revolutionary mass organizations should seriously organize reception of the broadcasting of this recorded speech and make study of it with a view to further mastering the general orientation of the great proletarian cultural revolution as indicated to us by Chairman Mao, making a success of mass criticism and forming revolutionary grand alliances, and doing a good job of the work of supporting the army and cherishing the people.

September 9, 1967


Appendix:

IMPORTANT TALK GIVEN BY COMRADE CHIANG CH'ING ON SEPTEMBER 5 AT A CONFERENCE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF ANHWEI WHO HAVE COME TO PEKING

(Edited version of the recorded speech, intended merely for reference)

Greetings to you all, comrades!  

(Loud shouting: Long live Chairman Mao! A long, long life to him!)

   I have come rather hurriedly, and I have no idea of what is going on here. Old K'ang [K'ang Sheng] just dragged me here. Nor have I prepared for the few words which I shall say here. If what I am going to say is right, you may use it for reference; if not, you may criticize me. You may even bombard me or burn me!
   I want to talk about the current situation. On the question of situation, there are some different views among us. We think that taking the nation as a whole, the situation of the great cultural revolution is excellent. If, however, the present situation is viewed in isolation, then of course it appears to be quite serious in certain areas and individual places. Actually, this is not so. Taking the country as a whole and from the historical point of view, isn't the situation this year greatly different from that at this time of the previous year?
   At this time last year, the small handful of top Party capitalist readers in authority and their jackals in the localities still had considerable strength and were able to carry out activities. What about now? They have been paralyzed. Some of them have been struck down by the revolutionary young fighters. Paralysis itself is a good thing because the capitalist readers in authority can move no longer. That is why revolutionary committees have been set up in some localities.
   What is being done at present? The Central Committee is tackling the problems province by province, and city by city in the case of those large cities. Hasn't this been done in Anhwei too? Now we have invited you comrades to come, so that both sides of you can sit down to solve the problems. This is also a good situation. Take your Anhwei for example. The situation there is quite different from last year, isn't it? The small handful headed by Li Pao-hua has been dragged out, and even such bad characters as Liu Hsiu-shan and such traitors as Ch'eng —. I forget his name (A representative from Hofei said: Ch'eng Ming-yuan! Hasn't Ch'eng Ming-yuan also been exposed in broad daylight? (Members of the Good Faction* cheered for a long time:  Long live Chairman Mao!)
   Comrades, Liu Hsiu-shan is a bad man, and I have long known about it. It is not true that I know about it just now. I have evidence to prove that he is a bad guy pulling the string from behind. It is quite possible that some people have fallen into the trap. Now we must pay attention to this and must not put the good people and the bad together. We are faced with a question. Liu Hsiu-shan has been all along in hiding in Peking, but now it is not known where he has gone. (Some representatives: He is in Hofei exercising direct command) Comrades, whatever the case, and in spite of the fact that you had quarrels and fights before, you are now sitting down together for talks. Isn't this an excellent situation? (The Good Faction: An excellent situation) (Comrade Chiang Ch'ing turned to the Fart Faction*) Why is there no answer from comrades on this side? Do you approve of it. (The Fart Faction: An excellent situation.)
   Looking back, from last year up to the present, tremendous changes have taken place. The campaign for mass criticism and repudiation of the top Party capitalist roader in authority is now gradually unfolding in the whole country, and fire is being opened against him on all fronts. It is necessary to pull him down, discredit him, and criticize him thoroughly and penetratingly. To do this, as I have said on many occasions previously, we must make it known to every household that we must criticize him more severely than we did Trotsky of the Soviet Union at that time in order to prevent China from changing color. This is because he has held power for a very long time, is a double-dealer, and has a whole set of cadre lines to protect his erroneous line.
   But the moment Chairman Mao gave his order for the great proletarian cultural revolution, the young fighters went to the battleground and dragged these fellows out. To be sure, comrades may say: "Comrade Chiang Ch'ing has said it well, but in our place the struggle is quite severe." Our struggle, too, is rather severe, although we do not use force. Nevertheless, I have let it be known that if some people insist on having a violent struggle with me, I will surely defend myself and strike back. (Loud shouting: Learn from Comrade Chiang Ch'ing, and salute her!) Learn from you comrades, and salute to you all!
   Comrades, I am not in favor of armed struggle, and you must not think that I like it, because I am firmly opposed to it. I resolutely support Chairman Mao's call for "peaceful struggle, not armed struggle." What I mean is: when the class enemies attack us, how can we afford not to have an inch of iron in our hands [unarmed]? This is the situation I have in mind, but at present we need not have that kind of armed struggle.
   Armed struggle always hurts some people and damages, State property. Why, then, should we be prodigal sons And such a problem as this must be clearly explained. This "attack by words and defend by force" must not be deprived of its class content; it must not be viewed in isolation from definite circumstances and conditions. It would be bad if, on your return, you stir up fights by wearing fighter's caps and raising spears. (Old K'ang interrupted: Not spears. We now have the machine guns.) After firing a round of ammunition, a machine gun will have to be reloaded. On the whole, I feel that the situation is excellent. It has tempered the younger generation and the young fighters. It has also tempered the revolutionary cadres as well as men of the older generation like old K'ang! (Old K'ang interrupted-You people are tempering me every day.)
   Comrades, don't think that the question of Anhwei is exceptionally complicated. I, for one, do not think so. Each question has its own pecularities. The present condition of Anhwei is much better than it was last year. And the situation now is better than it was a moment ago. It is wonderful that we have been able to sit down and talk, instead of fighting things out This is a favorable situation; it is a good beginning.. Now in various provinces the case is generally like this: Talks are being held through arrangements made by the Central Committee, and although there have been reversals in some individual places reversals are a normal phenomenon. Besides, there are imbalances in the situation, but imbalances are also a normal phenomenon.
   On the whole the situation is satisfactory and is developing in a favorable situation. This calls for the following several conditions: Leadership by the Party Central Committee headed by Chairman Mao, which is the most important; the presence of the PLA as the pillar of the proletarian dictatorship to defend the great proletarian cultural revolution; and the gradual establishment of local revolutionary committees to promote revolutionary grand alliance and revolutionary "three-in-one combination" before we can carry out struggle-criticism-transformation and coordinate it with the nationwide mass criticism.
   How do things stand at present in this connection? First, there are the Party capitalist roaders in authority, in addition to the landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, wicked people and Rightists, in addition to US spies, Soviet spies, Japanese spies, and Kuomintang spies — all of them are bent on destroying us. With so many black hands hidden behind their backs, it is not easy for you to discern them. Appearing either as ultra-"Leftists" or as Rightists, they are set to undermine the Party Central Committee headed by Chairman Mao. This shall never be permitted and those who do so are doomed to failure.
   Comrades, come to think of it: Do you permit this? (The audience: No, we don't!) At present, let us take Peking as an example. There is a bad thing, and I call it a bad thing because it is a counter-revolutionary organization, called the "May 16" Corps.- Numerically it is not a large organization, and superficially the majority of its members are young people, who are actually the hoodwinked. The minority consists of bourgeois elements who nurse deepseated hatred for us and who make use of the ideological instability of the young people. Those who really pull strings behind the scene are very bad indeed.
   What about Anhwei? There are also some people who oppose the Central Committee and its Nine-Point, Five-Point and other decisions. They have failed to carry them out. They have refused to carry them out. If things were done according to the Nine-Point Decision reversals would not have taken place, and when reversals occurred, they would be a good thing. Now that you have come we welcome you. The "May 16" assumes an ultra-"Leftist" appearance; it centers its opposition on the Premier. Actually, it has collected black material to denounce every one of us, and it may throw it out in public at any time. (Old K'ang interrupted: Did you people of Anhwei send any person to collect material concerning the Cultural Revolution Group of the Central Committee? The representatives replied: Yes. He was Liu Hsiu-shan. Old K'ang asked again: To be fair, you of the good group had also sent someone to collect material, as the Fart Faction had done. Liu Hsiu-shan had sent someone to collect material, and so had you of the two groups.)
   We are not afraid of either group. With a clear conscience, what should we be afraid of? Go ahead and find the material you want! You people just eat and do nothing, so now you have chosen this thing instead of the revolution. Do what you like. I am not afraid. They had collected black material against me in the past, but only now have I discovered this. A case-study group while in Shanghai went to collect the material, saying that Comrade Ch'i Pen-yu had said the material concerned me. They had no choice but to bring out the material. When this material was brought back, I did not ask any questions. You see, a large trunk of it! Recently it has been found that in some places the so-called "special parties" have been set up. The setting up of these special parties is a tactic of the clowns, who cannot see the light. (Comrade Yao Wen-yuan interrupted: Clowns.) Clowns. From the right side they stirred up the gust of wind in February this year in opposition to the great proletarian revolution; while at present those who stir up the "Leftist" wind to oppose the Central Committee oppose the Premier as ultra-"Leftists."
   The "May 16" is a very typical counter-revolutionary organization, and we must raise our vigilance against it. US-Chiang spies, Soviet revisionist spies as well as the landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, wicked elements and Rightists will never act honestly but will try all possible means to wage a death-bed struggle. This requires that we raise our vigilance, discern them, and do propaganda among the masses, awaken the masses, and isolate these bad people. They are only a minority who cannot see the light. This is to say that we oppose people who oppose the leadership group of the Party Central Committee headed by Chairman Mao either from the Left, the extreme Left or from the Right side. I advise you comrades to be more alert on this question.
   Now we come to the second question — the army. Sometime earlier, there was this wrong slogan: Seize a "small handful in the army." As a result, "a small handful in the army" was seized everywhere and even the weapons of our regular troops were seized.
   Comrades, come to think of it: Without the People's Liberation Army, is it possible for us to sit in the People's Great Hall holding a conference? (The audience: No.) If our field army were thrown into confusion and if trouble occurred, could we tolerate such a situation? (The audience: No.) Let us not fall into the trap. The slogan is wrong. Because the Party, the government and the army are all under the leadership of the Party. We can only talk about dragging out the handful of Party capitalist roaders in authority and nothing else. Were we to do otherwise, that would be unscientific, and the result would be that we got the wrong people everywhere, and almost all military districts would be raided, both good and bad. Even if some comrades, a minority of comrades, some individual comrades in our army committed serious errors, they need not be dealt with in such a way.
   The Chinese People's Liberation Army is an army personally created by Chairman Mao and under the direct command of Vice Chairman Lin Piao. It may be asked: Is there such an army in other part of the world: (The audience: No. Loud shouting: Learn from the PLA and salute to it.) Everywhere we seized their guns, beat them up, and scolded them. But they did not strike back, nor did they argue. Is there such an army in other part of the world? (Answer: No.) Now we must not fall into others' trap and drag out the small handful in the army everywhere and indiscriminately. I have talked with the young fighters of Peking about this question. Last year you went out to kindle the fire of the revolution and exchange revolutionary experience. But by going out again now, you will only do a disservice. You said that you were unable to drag ott the small handful in the army and that you needed our help in doing this. In some places, this has been done. This is a wrong assessment of the situation, and the result of the fact that you have fallen into a trap set by others.
   Young people are active of course. Struggle-criticism-transformation may be difficult, but if we ask you to sit down to read document and examine the data and then exercise your minds, that would be even more difficult and very arduous. Carrying out physical activities and even armed struggle are what the young people particularly like, and you too are fond of travelling from place to place. I heard that a rebel group in Wuhan — I do not know its name (Old K'ang interrupted: the Steel Second Headquarters). The moment it regained its strength, its members went from place to place in the whole country.
   Therefore you must pay attention to this: When you go to a place, you may not understand the conditions there, and so you are liable to make mistakes there. It is for this reason that you must believe in the local masses and must not do the things which they should do themselves, just as we cannot make revolution on your behalf. All we can do is to consult with you and assist you.
   The slogan of seizing the small handful in the army is wrong, and it has produced a series of undesirable consequences. Now this gust of wind has probably been checked.
   You will ask: Does Comrade Chiang Ch'ing mean that the comrades in the army have made no mistakes. I do not mean this.  Comrades in the army who have mistakes and shortcomings should be given a chance to criticize themselves. Even among ourselves, some veteran cadres have made mistakes, said the wrong words, and done the wrong things. I also often make mistakes myself.
   On the battlefields they are very brave and very reliable! Being unable to keep pace with the developments in the great cultural revolution, they have made some mistakes and said or done some wrong things. But if they want to mend their ways and criticize themselves, they should be allowed to do so, as we should observe Chairman Mao's instruction that "we must take warning from past mistakes in order to avoid future ones and cure the sickness in order to save the patient." I have not studied the condition of Anhwei before and I do not know much about it now. I heard that when X X army returned, they did not welcome it. (Old K'ang interrupted: Good Faction of Hofei and Huainan raided the headquarters of the 34th Division. I wonder if you know about the condition of Hofei. The present attitude which you have adopted should be criticized. T'ao Tsai-feng and Liang Shou-fu are quite wrong.) (The Good Faction of Huainan interrupted: The 34th Division is Linyen X X X X. This was disclosed by the peasants. It doesn't belong to Huainan.)
   Whatever the way you see it, it is not good for the field army to be raided, and a precedent must not be set! Even the ammunition has been seized. (At this moment the two groups of Huainan started quarrelling with each other.)
   Do you quarrel with me or with each other? Our field army is good. Our army is good. You see, the broad masses of commanders and fighters were formerly poor and lower-middle peasants and workers. They have resolutely executed the proletarian revolutionary line of the Party Central Committee headed by Chairman Mao, and they did not involve themselves in the cultural revolution but did so only later. After getting themselves thus involved, they did not at first get at the truth and so it was inevitable that they should have made some mistakes. Just put yourselves in their positions, and ask yourselves if you would make the same mistakes? I think you would — and quite easily. But I mean mistakes of a general nature, not mistakes of line or of principle: You cannot treat the army in such a way. When you seized their guns, some fighters wept. They knew that you were going to seize their guns, but they could not open fire, because they and you were all revolutionary masses.
   At the front line of national defense, a strict order has been issued — an order which has already been approved by the Central Committee. If I were a garrison fighter, I would certainly fight back if someone seized my gun. Of course, opening fire is not good, but I have my own idea. If I were a garrison fighter and you came to take my gun, how could I know that you were a good or a bad man?
   To be sure, guns are being seized on a nationwide scale. The greater part of the guns of the militiamen belonged to the conservative groups so that some of these guns were not seized but were surrendered. Only a small number of Leftists have guns (the representatives started arguing with one another).
   Comrades, if my idea can play a good role, we should create the good conditions for its implementation. We must become revolutionaries of Mao Tse-tung's thought and not members of Chang's group or Li's group. The factional mentality is a petty bourgeois trait; it is the mountain-stronghold mentality, departmentalism, anarchism, anarchism in its grave form. (Yao Wen-yuan interrupted: We must properly study Wen-hui Daily's editorial "The Proletarian Party Character and the Petty Bourgeois Factional Character.")
   If both sides of you make self-criticism, there will be no quarrels. It is good that both sides of you make self-criticism. When you oppose me, I go to your place to make self-criticism, and then you also make self-criticism. Later you too will feel ashamed. In this way we shall sit down and talk and seek agreement for the major issues while preserving differences over minor issues. The agreement over major issues refers to the revolution, to the great proletarian cultural revolution. Whether you stand on the side of the proletarian revolutionary line headed by Chairman Mao or on the side of the line taken by the capitalist roaders is a question of big right and big wrong.   Under the premise of this big principle, if you are all struggling against the top Party person in authority taking the capitalist road, is there any reason for being unable to unite and for not uniting? if we judge from your factional character, I think that, you work for yourselves and not for the revolution, the people and the proletariat.
   If you are really proletarian revolutionaries, you must first show the spirit of self-criticism. You must make exacting demands on yourselves and on your own group and not on others. If you quarrel, fight, wage armed struggle, and seize weapons, you cannot keep your heads sober and cannot distinguish between the right and the wrong. The right can be distinguished easily from the wrong. In Anhwei, that depends on whether you struggle against the small handful of capitalist roaders headed by Li Pao-hua and against the top Party capitalist roader in the whole country. If we all follow this premise, we shall have agreement on the major issues; herein lies the criterion. Some different practices and views may exist.
   In our group there are also views which are by no means identical. Sometimes old K'ang and I do not see eye to eye. But we are able to unite under the big premise and unify our views. (Old K'ang interrupted: You must correct yourselves, and oppose yourselves.) While it is easy to revolutionize others, it is difficult to revolutionize oneself. This is because in one's mind there is the dark side as well as the bright side. The dark side represents the petty bourgeois and bourgeois things. If one does not get rid of these things, one will certainly drop out from the ranks and head for the opposite. If in one's mind one has self-interest, individualism, the small-group mentality, departmentalism and even anarchism, then one will not listen to any advice. And chaos will be created in our field army with its good organization, good discipline, good equipment and good political work.
   You will not do this. Those who want to do this are a minority of bad people. To attain their aim, they sow dissension among you. You must not fall into the trap; you must be alert and calm and be good at distinguishing between enemies, ourselves and friends. Now, you even quarrel with friends sometimes, and sometimes willy-nilly you engage in fights for no cause. Don't we want splits? Or don't we want to form a revolutionary great alliance? Comrades, what is your answer? (The Good Faction: The alliance is good, the great alliance is great.) Comrade Chiang Ch'ing then turned to the Fart Faction: You are silent. Are you willing to form an alliance? (The Fart Faction answered: Willing.) It is only when we promote a great alliance and three-in-one combination and gradually establish revolutionary committees that we shall have people to lead us. The revolution cannot proceed without leaders!
   Now the third question. It is necessary to set up gradually revolutionary committees and establish new leadership organs. At present, a gust of foul wind is blowing. Apart from being directed at the Party Central Committee headed by Chairman Mao and at the People's Liberation Army, it is directed at the revolutionary committee — a new-born thing. It is inevitable that the revolutionary committee should have some shortcomings and mistakes, and it is inevitable that it is infiltrated into by some bad people. But it is after all a new-born product. It is born on the mass foundation. A wind is now being stirred up with the object of dissolving all revolutionary committees set up with the approval of the Central Committee. Isn't this a provocative act by those who harbor ulterior motives?
   Comrades, are you aware of this? (Answer: We are.) After you have gradually established revolutionary committees, you must also be alert against this. Naturally, there may be some reversals, but we should not be afraid of them. Therefore, I think that under the present excellent situation we should be alert against this: that some people are trying from the extreme "Left" or from the Right side to undermine the Party Central Committee headed by Chairman Mao, to undermine the People's Liberation Army, and to undermine revolutionary committees. Behind them are not only the capitalist roaders in authority within the Party but also landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, bad elements and Rightists as well as US-Chiang, Soviet revisionist and Japanese spies. We have data at hand and have caught them in large numbers.   This is the merit of the young fighters.
   Are you aware of a traitorous clique? (Answer: We are.) Great spy cases have been uncovered; these could not be uncovered in the past. That is why the merits performed in the present great cultural revolution are really tremendous. Until now we had no knowledge of the traitorous clique which had been lying low for several decades, and the credit for this must go to the Red Guards. Of course, so far as Anhwei is concerned, for the dragging out of that small handful of capitalist roaders, the credit must go to you. You must be on the alert all the time, because some people are bent on destroying the Party Central Committee, the PLA and the revolutionary committees.
   The Party Central I mean is the Party Central Committee headed by Chairman Mao. I want to remind you comrades that my opinions may not be necessarily perfectly all right, and you may criticize them. Now the Central Committee has adopted a document, and I shall read it to you here (Reading the CCP Central Committee's "Sept. 5" Order.) If we upset the operational system, what shall we do once trouble flares up? The imperialists are afraid of us; they are scared to death. The revisionists are also afraid of us; they are afraid of our great proletarian cultural revolution. Nevertheless, we must be on our guard! All proletarian revolutionaries, all Red Guard young fighters, all revolutionary masses, and all patriotic people must strictly follow and earnestly execute the Order. By doing so you will respond to our great leader Chairman Mao's call for "supporting the army and cherishing the people," love and support the PLA. This is the common duty of all revolutionary masses and all patriotic people.
   Truly proletarian revolutionary comrades should set an example in this regard. All revolutionary mass organizations must correctly understand the extensive democracy under conditions of proletarian dictatorship. On this question I want to say a few words. Is there the same extensive democracy as we enjoy anywhere in the world? (The audience: No.). You may post big-character posters against anyone. This is something which cannot be done anywhere in the world, and which is unprecedented in history.  This is the most extensive democracy, which is possible only under conditions of proletarian dictatorship. We must correctly understand the "four-no" directive observed by the PLA; we must raise our vigilance in the complicated and sharp class struggle, guard against being used by the class enemies, prevent the class enemies at home and abroad from sowing dissensions and fishing in troubled waters. We must strictly guard against sabotages by the US-Chiang, Soviet revisionist and Japanese spies and the landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, wicked people and Rightists, who attempt to weaken the fighting power and ruin the reputation of the PLA.
 We must not paint a dark picture of the PLA, for they are our boys, and we must protect their honor. (Continuing to read out the Central Committee's Sept. 5 Order)   Do you know what has happened?   Military materials allotted for the support of Vietnam have been seized, and the ammunitions! (Yao Wen-yuan: Used for striking the US imperialists.) Those were ammunitions for striking the American imperialists! Later we issued an order to the effect that, no matter what group you belonged to, you must return the material you have seized, and if you do not return them, you will have to surrender your arms. They were so frightened that they returned the materials.   Some people also seized foreign ships.  In Peking a strange thing has happened: Some people went to the foreign embassies to make troubles and the office of the British Charge d'Affaires was burned down. We, of course, are determined to hit the American imperialists and reactionaries.  But we must not make trouble at foreign embassies, and we must not go aboard foreign ships.   It would be childish for good people to do so; and when bad people do this, they want to ruin the reputation of the country.  (When she continued to read out and finished reading the Central Committee's September 5" Order, she was greeted with thunderous applause.) As I see it, everybody supports this order!   (Thunderous applause. Loud shouting of slogans: Learn from Comrade Chiang Ch'ing, and salute to her! Long live Chairman Mao! A long, long life to him).

   [Printed by the Great Preparatory Committee of People's Automobiles, Red Flag, Municipal Communications and Transport Department]    September 18, 1967
  

Translator’s Note:

The "Good Faction" and the "Fart Faction" are apparently the two main factions of revolutionary mass organizations of Anhwei represented at the conference of September 5, 1967. It was probably members of the "Good Faction" who coined the two names. In SCMP the two names are translated into "the good group" and "the group of babblers ; this is more polite but less faithful to the original meaning.
  
  
  

 
 
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中央首长第三次接见安徽双方代表团的指示
康生 江青
1967.09.05




〖时间:1967年9月5日晚9点10分到12点35分。中央首长:康生、李富春、江青、李天佑、姚文元、曹轶欧等。〗



康老讲话:



同志们,现在开会了。大会是第二次会议了。这几天同志们做了不少工作,我看大家都愿意向毛主席路线方向前进,看起来你们几天工作还是有成绩的,但是问题还存在一些。武斗比过去好象少一些,抢枪这个做法还存在。特别感觉到有益的好的地方就是合肥的“好派”,拟了个电报稿,指出好派的梁守富和曹在凤同志对解放军十二军的态度是错误的。合肥的好派代表打一个电话表示支持十二军,坚决的贯彻执行中央关于拥军爱民的指示,表示对6408部队,就是十二军,绝对要相信,表示6408部队是党中央毛主席派去的支左部队,表示对6408部队的态度就是对党中央毛主席的态度,应当大事小事都向6408部队请示汇报。这一条很好嘛!



还有一条,曹在凤同志、梁守富同志对6408部队的态度是极端错误的,应当向6408部队赔礼道歉,应当向党中央毛主席检讨,向广大群众公开检讨。下面一共七条电话稿,这个电话稿我觉得很好,这是我们会议的进步,不知这个电话打了没打?(合肥“好派”代表答:打了。)已经打了。的确是拥军爱民的方向(口号:向解放军学习),要同志们了解,中央关于当前的重要问题是形势问题,关于坚决执行毛主席无产阶级革命路线的问题,坚决拥护解放军的问题,这都是大的方向问题。请江青同志给我们谈一谈。



江青同志讲话:



同志们好!(高呼:毛主席万岁!)我来的很仓促,也不知怎么回事康老把我拉来了,我讲几句话,也没有准备,讲对了供同志们参考,讲错了的,同志们批评,炮轰我也可以,火烧我也可以,都可以。



现在讲一讲形势问题。我们对形势的看法,在这个问题上有一些不同看法,我们认为全国文化大革命形势大好,因为对形势如果孤立起来看,那当然在某些地区个别地方觉得严重,其实不然,形势从全国来看,从历史来看,如果从历史来看,今年同去年这个时候比较,是不是大不相同了!去年这个时候党内走资本主义道路的当权派和地方上他们的爪牙,那他还是想当有活动能力的,而现在呢?瘫痪了,有的被革命小将打倒了。瘫痪了不是坏事,因为“走资派”不能动了,那么有的地方成立了革命委员会,那么现在呢?中央在一个省一个省,一个市一个市的来解决。这个想想看,安徽省现在请同志们来解决问题。就拿你们安徽来看吧,也不同了,旧的以李葆华为首的一小撮被揪出来了,甚至连刘秀山那样的坏人,还有程什么?是叛徒。(合肥代表答:程明远。)噢,程明远,不也暴露出来了!(好派长时间欢呼:毛主席万岁!)



同志们!刘秀山是个坏人,我很早就知道了,不是现在才知道的。我有材料,他是一个坏人,在背后操纵。可能有些好的人上当,在这里一定要注意,不能把好人和坏人搞到一块。当然上了当的同志受了蒙蔽好人就得注意这个问题,刘秀山一直躲在北京,现在不知道躲到那里去了。(合好派答:在合肥亲临指挥)现在不管怎么样,不管吵过咀、武斗过,打过架,现在都能坐在桌子上来谈了,是不是也是一个好的形势呢?(好派答:是)大好形势!(热烈鼓掌)

江青:(面向“屁派”)你们那里很多同志怎么不叫啊!怎么了,现在是不是一个好的形势?(“屁派”答:是的。)



从历史上看,从去年到今年有这么大的变化,对党内头号走资本主义道路当权派大批判,现在逐渐在全国展开。在各个战线上要向他开火,要批倒、批臭、批深、批透。要做到这一点,这个问题我曾经在每一个场合,要家喻户晓,要把他搞臭,臭的比当年苏联的托洛茨基还要臭,那样中国就可以不变颜色了。因为他执政很长的时间呀!两面派有一整套的干部路线保证他的错误路线,我们无产阶级文化大革命,毛主席一声令下,小将们就上阵就把这些家伙统统的搞出来了。当然同志们会说,江青同志说的容易,我们在那斗的可厉害了。同志们,我们也斗的很厉害,只是没有武斗就是了,不过我声明,如果谁要和我武斗,我一定要自卫,要还击。(呼口号)

向同志们致敬!向同志们学习!



同志们,我不是提倡武斗,我是坚决反对武斗的,我是坚决响应毛主席要文斗不要武斗的,我说的是当阶级敌人向我们进攻的时候,我们手无寸铁怎么行呢?我是指那样的情况,而现在不需要武斗,武斗总是要伤害人的,总是要破坏国家财产的,为什么要作败家子,我们为什么要死人呢?为什么要破坏国家财产呢?我说是这样的文攻武卫,不要抽掉了它的阶级内容,不要离开它的特定环境和条件,你们回去双方搞起武斗来,戴起柳条帽来,拿起长矛来就不好了。(康老插说: 不单是长矛,现在是机关枪了。)机关枪那一颗子弹就完了吗。总的说,我觉得形势是大好的,锻炼青年一代,锻炼了小将们,也锻炼了革命干部,锻炼了老年一代,象康老,(康老说:今天你们锻炼我。)所以不要以为你们安徽的问题可是不简单,安徽的问题可复杂啦!当然各有各的情况,安徽目前的情况比去年大好,现在你们比早一个时期更好,能够坐下来谈了吗!这是了不起了,不是那么动武啦,这是好事,是良好的开端,现在各省大体上这样,经过到中央来谈,当然个别地方有反复,反复也是正常的现象。此外不平衡,不平衡也是正常现象,总之是往好的方向发展。对这个要有以下几个好的条件,就是说要有以毛主席为首的党中央来领导,这是重要条件;要有人民解放军这个无产阶级专政的柱石,保卫无产阶级文化大革命;要逐步成立地方上的革命委员会,搞革命的大联合,革命的三结合,才能够进行斗、批、改,才能配合全国范围的大批判。



那么目前呢?当然,从文化大革命起,我说从文化大革命起不是绝对的,是相对的讲,首先由党内走资本主义道路的当权派,另外,还有社会上的地、富、反、坏、右,还有美国特务、苏修特务、日本、国民党特务等等,他总是要破坏的。他们有黑手藏在背后,是不容易识破的,他以极左的面貌或右的面貌来破坏以毛主席为首的党中央,这是绝对不允许的,而且他也注定要失败的,同志们想想,允许不允许?(答:不允许)目前拿北京来讲,就有这么一个东西,我叫它是东西,就是因为它是反动的。就是反革命组织叫“516”。他人数不多,这个表面上他是年青人,青年人我看是上当的,少数是资产阶级的分子,对我们有刻骨仇恨的,多数是青年,他利用了青年人思想上的不稳定。而真正的幕后人是很坏的人,你们安徽也有,就反对中央嘛,“九条”、“五条”下去都反对嘛!拒不执行嘛!如果按“九条”好好的办下去,就不致于现在又反复,有反复了。但反复也好嘛!可以嘛!你们多来一次嘛!“516”是以极左面目出现的,它集中目标反对总理,实际上我们每个人的黑材料他们都整了,什么时候都可以往外抛的,切不可以上当。



(康老插话,你们安徽有没有派人搜集中央文革的材料?好派答:有,刘秀山是的,他收集攻击周总理的材料。康生:我说一句话,公平话,你们好派也有人来搜集材料的,不要只说屁派,刘秀山派人搜集材料,好派梁守富也来北京搜集材料。)



但我们不怕,心里没有鬼,怕什么,你们去搜吧,吃饱饭没有事干,不干革命干这个,我是不怕,他们过去就整过我的黑材料,有一个专案在上海去搜集材料,去拿来,我也没有过问,过去一大箱。最近我们发现现在有的地方成立特档,特别档案。这也都是以小的手法,见不得人的。(姚文元插话,这是小丑。)是小丑。从右的方面,就是今年一二月间有一股风反对无产阶级文化大革命,目前一股风反对中央,或者以极左的面目来反总理,这是很典型的,是反革命组织“516”,要提高警惕,对特务、美蒋特务,苏修特务,还有地、富、反、坏、右,他们不会老老实实的,他们要千方百计做垂死挣扎,那么我们就要提高警惕,识别他,做宣传,向群众宣传,使群众觉悟起来,就是把他们孤立起来,他们都是见不得人的那一小撮,就是反对从左边,从极左,从右边来反对以毛主席为首的党中央的领导班子,这个问题。我劝同志们提高警惕。



第二个问题是军队。前一段有错误的口号,叫抓军内一小撮。这就到处抓军内一小撮,甚至把我们正规军的武器都抢了,同志们想一想,如果没有人民解放军,我们能够坐在这个人民大会堂开会吗?(答:不能)如果我们野战军被打乱了,万一有什么情况那能允许吗?(答:不能)不要上这个当,这个口号是个错的,因为不管党、政、军,都是党领导的,只能提党内一小撮走资本主义道路当权派,不能再另外提,那不科学,结果弄的到处抓,那个军区差不多都受冲击了,即使我们军队有些同志,少数同志,个别同志甚至犯了严重的错误,也不需要如此嘛。中国人民解放军是毛主席亲手缔造,林彪副主席亲自指挥的军队,世界上有没有这样好的军队?(答:没有。呼口号:向解放军学习!向解放军致敬!)抢他们枪、打、骂都不还手,世界上有没有?(答:没有。)所以现在不能这样上敌人的当,到处揪一小撮,乱揪。我就给北京的小将谈过这个问题,这有错误,你们跑到外面去,去年点革命的火,大串联,现在又出去了,这就是帮倒忙了。他们说什么“军内一小撮你们揪不出来,我们帮你们揪”,错误的估计了形势。又上了别人的当,因为青年人非常爱动。斗批改可是难啦!要坐下来看文件看材料,然后动脑筋,写文章,这比较苦,跑跑冲冲看看,甚至武斗,青年人喜欢跑,本性爱动,你们也会到处跑的,听说武汉造反派(康老插话:钢二司)刚刚翻身,又到处跑,全国都跑去了。所以这个要注意的,你们跑到那里去,不了解当地情况,一头裁进去就犯错误。凡事要相信本地的群众,不能去包办代替,就象我们不能包办代替你们的革命一样,我们只能给你们商量协助你们。



抓军内一小撮,这个口号是错误的,产生了一些不良后果,现在这股风已经开始刹住了,那么同志们会说江青同志是不是说军内同志没有错误?我不是这个意思。军队的同志错误缺点是有,应当给他们机会,让他们自己作自我批评,不要看我们有的老干部犯了错误,说错了话,做错了事,这也是常有的,这些老同志打起仗来可勇敢啦,可靠啦!文化大革命中,跟不上形势,犯错误,说了错话,做错了一些事,只要他想改正,想自我批评,同志们应当允许他改正错误,应当遵照主席教导,惩前毖后,治病救人嘛!



安徽的情况,我以前没怎么摸,我不知道,有人对6408很不欢迎吗?(康老插话:在合肥、在淮南都有些问题,一开始好派冲了34师的师部大楼,不知道你们知道不知道,合肥的问题你们知道了,你们采取这个态度,批评了你们曹在凤。梁守富,他们这样做是极端错误的,这是不对的,淮南这方面。淮南极派代表说明了情况,康老又说,不管怎样,冲了野战军是不对的。



把野战军冲了可不好,不能开个头。我们的野战军是好的,军队是好的。你想广大的指战员出身都是贫下中农、工人,坚决执行以毛主席为首的党中央的无产阶级革命路线,以前不介入吗,后来介入他不摸底,介入以后犯错误是难免的,不信你们试试看,换个位置试试看,你们犯不犯错误?



我说的是犯一般的错误,不是犯路线的错误,这是原则问题。对军队不能这样,有的夺枪,他们不能开枪,有的战士哭,因为都是革命群众,枪被抢走了。在国防前线,现在下一道死命令,中央已经通过。我要是警卫战士,谁要是夺我的枪,我一定开枪,当然开枪是不对,我要开枪,我是警卫战士,我知道你是好人还是坏人?全国范围夺民兵的枪,大部份是保守派,不是夺是缴械。(这时双方争执吵起来)



同志们,如果我的意见能够起良好作用,就是我们要创造良好的条件,我们要成为毛泽东思想的革命派,不要成为张家派,李家派,严重的无政府主义,派性是小资产阶级的特性,是山头主义,小团体主义,无政府主义,(姚文元插话:我建议你们要好好学习文汇报社论“无产阶级党性与小资产阶级派性”。)你们多作自我批评,不是就不吵架了吗?我建议你们双方多作自我批评,这个方法好,因为你就是反对我的,我到你那里去作自我批评,你也作自我批评,这样冷静下来谈谈,那个方面是大同,求大同存大异嘛!大同是什么呢?就是说革命。无产阶级文化大革命,你站在以毛主席为首的无产阶级革命路线上,还是站在走资派的路线上,这是大是大非问题,在这个大原则前提下,如果你们都是斗争党内走资本主义道路当权派,有什么理由不大联合呢!



如果是按你们的派性,那就不是革命,而是为自己,不是为人民,不是为了无产阶级,如果真是无产阶级革命派,首先要有自我批评的精神,严格的要求自己,要求自己那个团体,而不是吵咀、武斗、打架、抢武器,这样就说不清是非,是非应该搞清楚的是容易清楚的,拿你们安徽来讲,看你是不是斗争以李葆华为首的走资派,你斗不斗党内最大的一小撮走资本主义道路当权派,如果这一点是一样的,就是同吗!有些不一样的做法和某些看法,那是可以的。我们小组也经常有不同意见有些问题看法也不完全一致的,我和康老有时也争论几句,我们在大前提下是一致的(康老:一个人对错误要改,就是要自己反对自己。)革人家的命容易,革自己的命可难啦!因为自己脑子里就有个阴暗面和一个光明面,阴暗面就是小资产阶级的东西,如果不改掉,难免也会掉队的,那会走到反面去的,头脑里的“私”字、个人主义,再大一点就是小团体主义。本位主义,以至无政府主义发展到谁的话也不听,把我们有良好的组织,良好的装备,良好的政治工作的解放军也冲了,枪也抢掉了。有的是有一小撮人操纵,你们不要上当,要心明眼亮,要冷静,要善于识别敌、我、友,你们现在有的时候连朋友都吵起来,自己阵营也吵起来,打的一塌糊涂。同志们!是分裂好呢?还是搞革命的大联合好呢?(好派答:大联合好;)。江青问:你们(指“屁派”)怎么不叫?不讲话?你们愿意不愿意联合?先搞大联合、三结合才能有领导,没有领导革命不好进行。



第三、谈革命委员会问题,要成立革命委员会,建立新的领导机构。目前出来的这股歪风除了是针对以毛主席为首的党中央,针对人民解放军;抓一小撮。第三,就是针对革命委员会这个新生事物。革命委员会难免有缺点、错误、更难免混进一点坏人混进去,但他毕竟是个新生的事物,他是在群众的基础上产生的。现在有这么一股风,有的人就要把中央批准的革命委员会全部搞掉,这不是别有用心的人挑动吗?同志们知道不知道这些事情?(答:知道。)你们逐渐地成立了革命委员会以后,这个事情也要警惕,当然有点反复,我们也不怕。



所以我想在这个大好形势底下要警惕这三件事情,从极左到右,来破坏以毛主席为首的党中央来破坏人民解放军,破坏革命委员会。这个背后不仅有党内走资本主义道路当权派,而且有地、富、反、坏、右,还有美蒋、苏修、日本等等特务,我们有材料,我们搞了一大批,这是小将们的功勋罗,叛徒集团知道不知道?(答:知道)很大的特务案子都搞出来了,过去搞不出来的,所以这次大革命的功劳是大的,潜伏几十年的这些案件,过去都不知道的,这是红卫兵的功勋,当然对安徽来说揪出那一小撮走资本主义道路当权派,那是同志们的功勋!你们要很好的警惕这三件事情,有人要破坏党中央,我说的党中央是以毛主席为首的啊,人民解放军,革命委员会,我只是想提醒同志们!我说的话不妥当,同志们批评我。



现在中央通过了一个文件,中共中央、国务院、中央军委、中央文革“关于不准抢夺人民解放军武器装备和各种物资的命令”。(念命令时,江青插话)



各省(市)革命委员会(筹备小组)、各级军管会、各级军区、各革命群众组织:

中国人民解放军是我们伟大领袖毛主席亲自缔造和领导的,是林彪副统帅亲自指挥的举世无双的人民军队,是劳动人民的子弟兵。它和革命群众是鱼水相依,血肉相联的。人民解放军必须坚决响应伟大领袖毛主席的号召,坚决支持革命左派,尽一切责任,爱护一切无产阶级革命派,爱护一切红卫兵革命小将,爱护一切革命群众。

毛主席说:“没有一个人民的军队,便没有人民的一切。”人民解放军是无产阶级专政的柱石,它担负着保卫国防、保卫无产阶级文化大革命的光荣艰巨的任务。

中国人民解放军要时刻地警惕帝国主义、各国反动派和现代修正主义的突然袭击,必须坚守战斗岗位,加强战备,保证装备完整良好,做到一声令下,立即行动。

中共中央、国务院、中央军委、中央文革小组,八月二十五日《关于展开拥军爱民运动的号召》中指出,“人民解放军和所拥有的各种武器、装备和物资,是不能侵犯的。”〖江青:同志们,听懂了吧。(众答:听懂了。)我重复一遍,“人民解放军和所拥有的各种武器、装备和物资,是不能侵犯的。”〗“人民解放军的指挥机关,是不允许外部的人进驻的。”〖江青:再重复一遍,“人民解放军的指挥机关,是不允许外部的人进驻的。”你想,把作战系统给打乱了,一旦有情况怎么办呢?现在是帝国主义怕我们,怕得要死,修正主义也怕我们,怕我们无产阶级文化大革命,可是也不能说没有这个万一啊!〗一切无产阶级革命派,一切红卫兵革命小将,一切革命群众,一切爱国的人们,都必须严格遵守,切实执行,这是响应我们伟大领袖毛主席“拥军爱民”的号召。爱护人民解放军,拥护人民解放军,这是一切革命群众和一切爱国人们的共同任务,真正无产阶级革命派的同志尤应在这方面作出模范。

各革命群众组织一定要正确理解无产阶级专政下的大民主,〖江青:在这个问题上我说一两句,现在世界上有没有我们这样的大民主?(众答:没有!)你们想轰那个就到外面贴大字报、大标语,世界历史上也没有,总而言之这是最大的民主,也只有在无产阶级专政的条件下才有的。〗正确理解人民解放军的“四不”,在复杂尖锐的阶级斗争中随时提高阶级警惕性,防止阶级敌人利用,防止国内外阶级敌人的挑拨离间,混水摸鱼,严防美蒋、苏修、日本特务和地富反坏右破坏和削弱人民解放军的战斗力和声誉。〖江青:不要在我们的军队脸上抹黑,人民解放军是人民子弟兵,要爱护他们的荣誉。〗

为坚决贯彻执行中共中央、国务院、中央军委、中央文革小组六月六日通令和八月二十五日《关于展开拥军爱民运动的号召》,特再次重申:

一、任何群众组织和任何人,不管是属于那一派,不许以任何借口抢夺人民解放军的武器、弹药、装备、车辆、器材、物资,不许抢夺军火仓库、军用仓库和国防企业中的武器、弹药、装备、车辆、器材、物资,不许拦截火车、汽车、船舶上装载的武器、弹药、装备、器材、物资。不许外部人员进驻人民解放军的指挥机关。

〖江青:你们知道发生了什么了事情没有?我们援助越南的物资被抢了,炮弹啊!姚文元:打倒美帝国主义的。江青:那是美帝国主义的,接不上气了,没有了炮弹,后来我们下了一个死命令,管你是什么派,立刻交出,不交就缴械,他们吓坏了,都送回去了,这真生气嘛!还抢了外国的船。北京出现这样怪事,跑到外国使馆里去闹,英国代办处烧了,你们知道吧?(众答:知道了。)反对帝国主义、反对反动派是肯定的,你们坐外头嘛,如果不是使馆内部,他们做任何违反我们国家的法律的,你们都可以有权斗他,并扭送。但是不要闯到使馆去,不要跑到外国轮船上去。尽出现这些怪事,这些,好人是幼稚,坏人是有意地破坏国家的荣誉。康老:还有人抢外国的轮船,还有人带着枪到塞浦路斯船上去,被缴了枪,还去避难,这是耻辱,是投降!江青:这是当汉奸!〗

二、军队院校、文体单位以及所有开展四大的单位中,不管任何组织任何人,更不准抢夺武器、弹药、装备、车辆、器材、物资。

三、军队所有机关、部队、院校等单位,不经中央批准,绝不许把武器、弹药、装备、车辆、器材、物资发给任何组织、任何人。〖江青:有些地方,就发给了保守派,有些给了坏人,这就是可恶啦。〗

四、已经抢夺的人民解放军的武器、弹药、装备、车辆、器材、物资应一律封存,限期归还。

此命令自公布之日起生效。今后如有违犯此命令者,当以违犯国法论罪。〖江青:重念这一句,“命令自公布之日起生效。今后如有违犯此命令者,当以违犯国法论罪”。(众:热烈鼓掌。)江青:我看大多数同志是同意的,是爱护军队的。〗

当地驻军在执行上述命令时,首先要耐心的进行政治思想工作,讲清道理,进行劝阻。如劝阻无效,可对空鸣枪警告,令其撤回,在劝阻和警告仍然无效时,可宣布这种抢夺行为是反革命行动,(众:热烈鼓掌。高呼毛主席万岁!)并采取措施对其少数的坏头头和肇事凶手予以逮捕法办。(众:热烈鼓掌)遇到这些人拒捕和抵抗时,人民解放军有权实行自卫反击。(众:热烈鼓掌。呼口号:向江青同志学习。江青:向同志们学习!希望同志们搞大联合!)

在海防、边防、沿海岛屿和国防、机要重地值勤的战士,遇有人夺枪时,有权自卫反击。(众:热烈鼓掌)

此命令,望各省(市)革命委员会(筹备小组)、各级军管会、各级军区、各革命群众组织遵照执行。(众:热烈鼓掌,高呼口号。江青:好!我看大家都拥护这个命令。我就讲这些,咱们都照办。)



康老讲话:同志们:江青同志关于当前全国无产阶级文化大革命的大好形势给大家讲了,江青同志讲了关于提高警惕,防止美蒋特务、小撮走资派,地富反坏右,来破坏文化大革命,企图动摇以毛主席为首的无产阶级革命路线,动摇以毛主席为首的党中央的领导,江青同志同时还讲了一小撮反革命分子,象北京的五·一六中的一小撮,还有个是什么星星之火,实际是阴谋小集团,他们企图动摇伟大的中国人民解放军,破坏中央已经批准的革命委员会,江青同志的这些讲话,在解决我们安徽问题时,特别值得同志们警惕注意,这对解决安徽问题有很大的关系,安徽存在着一股反对中央、反对九条、反对五条的逆流,合肥有大字报,北京有,到处都有,毛主席派了六四○八部队去,少数坏分子向六四○八部队攻击,(姚文元同志插话:安徽问题有坏人插手,你们知道不知道)当然这不仅是安徽问题,在全国也有这样的问题,在北京也有(江青同志插话:黄岩、曾希圣也在北京,你们两派后面都有坏人,P派有刘秀山、程明远,好派表面上有曹在凤、梁守富,曹在凤、梁守富后面是彭宗珠,彭宗珠后头是曾希圣,姚文元同志他是华东的,请他讲一讲)。

姚文元同志讲话:同志们:刚才江青同志讲话很重要,宣读了中央的命令,这是一个很重要的命令,讲到了文化大革命中的重要问题,康老也讲了一些重要问题,大家要好好学习讨论,我对安徽问题了解很少,也看了一些材料,我来是做大家小学生的,我要补充说一个问题,就是革命大联合问题。一月风暴以来,毛主席在总结一月革命基本经验的时候,提出了革命大批判,革命大联合,革命的三结合,这是我们要遵循的纲领,这是我们基本的路线,现在已经成立了七个革命委员会,有些坏人就是要搞这些革命委员会,这是办不到的,因为它们是新生事物,尽管也有程度不同的缺点和错误,因为有无限的生命力,是搞不垮的,前一个时候,在相当的革命群众组织中(不包括五·一六那样的反革命组织),提出了这样一个口号,以我为核心,毛主席认为,在革命组织之间提出这个口号是错误的,有了这个思想,就不能搞大联合了,大联合是要有个核心,这个核心就是无产阶级革命派,这样的核心只能在斗争中形成,只能在大批判中形成,核心不是自封的,谁大方向掌握得好,谁对刘邓陶(包括本地区本单位的“走资派”)、对美蒋特务,苏修,日本特务,地富反坏右,警惕性高,拥军爱民的旗帜举得高,谁就最能团结广大群众,他就能成为核心,当然,核心在斗争中还会有变动,首先提出以我为核心,这就妨碍了革命的大联合。安徽只有朝着革命的大联合、革命的三结合方向走,这里我特别要说—下,工人阶级有什么根本的利益冲突呢,没有,所以会分裂、武斗,主要是由于党内一小撮“走资派”挑拨、利用、分化,使工人分化对立起来,还有百分之一、二、三的坏人挑拨,工人阶级本身是完全能够搞大联合的嘛,完全可以在对党内最大的一小撮“走资派”和当地的“走资派”斗争中联合起来嘛,对待受蒙蔽的群众,要耐心地争取帮助,同志们在考虑问题时,不要忘记毛主席的革命路线,要按毛主席给我们制订的方针、政策办事,共同把矛头对准一小撮“走资派”,对准帝修反,对准美蒋特务,这样就能加强和促进大联合和三结合,这个意见,不晓得对不对。(众答:对)

(十时三十分江青、姚文元同志离开了会场)

康老讲话,刚才江青同志讲的话。不但是对我们安安徽同志讲的,也是对全国讲的,我们九月一日到北京革命委员会也讲了这个意见,讲了这个意思,人民日报也发表了这个会议的精神,为什么今天又特别来这里向安徽的同志讲一下呢?因为这是最关键、最关键的问题,就是说解决问题必须紧跟毛主席指出的方向。(这时——十时三十五分,李富春同志进入会场,大家热烈鼓掌)江青同志读的文件,是经过毛主席批准的,不久就要发到全国各地方去,要求各革命群众组织,各级军区,革命委员会,严格执行,不管那一派,都应该知道,这是命令。(李富春同志有事,又离开了会场,这时康老笑了)我们的会议多得很哪,我开过这个会,下面还有两场,我七十岁了,现在就是靠不睡觉,每天睡四个小时,(众高呼向康老学习!向康老致敬!祝康老身体健康!)从爱护同志出发,要求大家知道这是个命令,要求严格执行,(这时李富春同志又回到了会场)当前一方面都讲赞成、拥护人民解放军,另一方面又去夺解放军的武器,这不正常啊!打我们战士,骂我们战士,战士不还手,光拿着语录哭,那有象我们这样的解放军,解放军是无产阶级专政最重要的柱石,毛主席不是要我们三个相信、三个依靠吗?三个中间中,最重要的是人民解放军,有去瓦解,去冲击,去夺取军队的武器,对我们国家反帝反修,对文化大革命,都带来极大的损害,没有人民的军队,便没有人民的一切,人民解放军是毛主席亲手缔造的、亲自领导的,是林副主席亲自指挥的,举世无双的劳动人民的子弟兵,我们绝不能从他们手里夺枪,毒打他们,安徽有没有解放军因为支左而死亡的?(有人答:有。)大家平心静气的想一想,这痛心不痛心?我们认为前一个时期,报纸上提出揪军内一小撮是不对的,错误的,为什么呢?因为象彭德怀、罗瑞卿、黄克诚、陈再道,他们也包括在党内,虽然是共产党员,高级干部,他们根本不能代表解放军,他们是解放军的败类,叛徒,我们的军队是党领导的军队,不是资产阶级的军队,不象国民党的军队,把党同军队分开来是错误的,第二,我们讲批判党内最大的一小撮走资派,就是指刘邓司令部,刘邓反动路线,如果加上军内一小撮,就冲淡了对刘邓的批判,第三,给人们一个糊涂的想法,到处抓一小撮,开始是武汉问题,结果到处都抓张再道、王再道、李再道等等……,这对我们的军队很不利,听说清华出去了五千人,师大也有三千人,应该赶快回来,第四,给美蒋特务,地富反坏右,反革命分子,在混水摸鱼,所以,中央提出了拥军爱民的号召,北京还开了十万人的大会,同时中央又发了这个命令,对文化大革命整个大局,都是重要的,有的人妄图动摇我们毛主席的无产阶级司令部,妄图动摇人民解放军,当然,一小撮反革命分子,有阶级仇恨,容易识破,另外,有些小将,多数人对形势作了错误的估计,认为到处有陈再道,不得了啦,很坏啦,到处是陈再道啦,不是对形势估计错啦,所以今天要给大家讲清形势。我再讲一讲,有些群众组织对国防军的态度问题,党中央相信六四○八部队能够搞好安徽的支左工作,领导好安徽的文化大革命,我们相信六四○八部队,相信六四五三部队,相信一二一部队,相信省军区绝大多数同志,特别是六四○八部队,去了不久,就起了很好的作用,六四○八部队已经去了,而且还要增加,还要再去,(众呼口号:向解放军学习!向解放军致敬!)在这样的情况下,群众组织,特别是好派的组织,要紧紧跟上,掌握这个大方向,丝毫不能怀疑,一点也不能动摇,稍为动摇,就要犯错误,甚至要犯方向错误,所以,我刚才宣读了你们的电报,电报是好的,但能不能贯彻执行呢?还有一个过程,我不敢保证六四○八部队不犯某些错误,但不能动摇大方向,我们相信××军军长李德生同志和六四○八部队,现在又有人说,他们支持保守组织,这是错误的,我们认为他们的大方向是对的,据他们说,淮南好派冲了六四三○部队,你们要调查研究,打电话回去,要执行拥军爱民的口号,不能从宗派的利益出发来对待这个问题,要看大局,无论在合肥也好,在安庆也好,在马鞍山也好,在芜湖也是去的六四○八部队,不要认为他们不支持你就不好,不要认为对我不利我就不相信他,应当用毛主席革命路线来看问题,当然,不是说军队中间某些干部不会犯错误,不是说批评军队中的某些人、某些干部,就叫矛头指向解放军,应当以毛主席的革命路线为标准。过去,安徽省军区在支左方面犯过错误,好派的同志,八·二七派同志,同志们,想一想这个问题,一·二六夺权以前,省军区犯了很大错误,压制了军区的造反派,压制了革命群众和干部,压得很厉害,有的还采取了打击,省军区机关造反派现在也来了嘛。《九条》下达后,军区的同志也有错误,他们现在在正检讨,当时P派同志提出打倒严光,我们考虑,为了维护解放军的荣誉,我们说不要这样提,要他们自己去认识,所以《九条》写的时候,没有明确写军区有错误,是为了保护解放军。《九条》的第一条,大家可以看出,我们叫南京军区来领导的,应当说《九条》下去后,省军区某些同志对《九条》是有抵触的,各地好派的同志都要实事求是地承认此问题,今天安徽的运动反复了一下也不要紧,象搞武斗,两派联合不起来,《九条》贯彻不力,省军区某些同志是有责任的。这个会八月十八日开始,十九日严光同志有个检讨,他自己说,对《九条》学习得不够,对社会上出现的反对《九条》的言行认识不足,表现得软弱无能,……这是他们自己讲的,廖成美同志,杨广立同志以及×炮方面的同志,了解的东西多一些。由于省军区某些同志的错误,影响了《九条》《五条》的贯彻,对这个问题,党中央还是过去的政策,一方面坚决维拥解放军的荣誉,不动摇拥军爱民的方针,但另一方面,我们也不混乱是非,个别同志有缺点有错误,要帮助他们检讨改正,使安徽的文化大革命更好地进行。安徽究竟怎么搞法,中央同南京军区还要重新布置。当前的主要问题,就是你们不要动摇,对六四○八部队,对六四五三部队,对一二一部队以及工程兵,包括省军区下属独立师,不要因为个别人的错误就动摇了拥军,也不要因为拥军就袒护、遮盖军队中的个别同志的错误,应当帮助他们承认错误,检讨错误,改正错误,这样做是巩固人民解放军,不是把矛头对准解放军。部队同志正在开会,会议时间,他们的态度还是好的,这样能帮助同志避免犯错误。你们要促进他们把“三支”、“两军”工作更好地进行。解放军的任务是繁重的,没有经验,希望你们拥护解放军,帮助解放军,支持解放军,没有你们的支持,完成任务是困难的。从这个问题,就谈到了解决安徽的第二个问题,实际是第一个问题,我是倒着讲一下,这就是安徽的群众组织到底对三月二十七日中央关于解决安徽问题的《九条》和四月一日的《五条》感觉怎么样,采取什么态度,这是个大是大非的问题,决不能靠造谣、污蔑、攻击。告诉你们,不管怎么样,中央对《九条》是不会动摇的。

(康老站了起来,数着指头说:)四月、五月、六月、七月、八月,《九条》下去已经五个月了,只能说随着运动的发展还有不够,你比如说,《十六条》原则没有问题,但夺权问题《十六条》上没有讲,但是方向不要动摇,《九条》、《五条》发给全国以后,不仅在安徽,就是在全国来讲,五个月的经验证明,对全国文化大革命和部队支左都有好处,因为什么呢?因为《五条》、《九条》是根据毛主席指示制定的,是毛主席和林副主席亲自批准的,不是那一个人的意见,在这个问题上,你们千万要相信毛主席,相信毛主席的革命路线,相信毛主席为首的党中央,不仅口头上讲执行,还要在思想深处、实际行动中执行。一个简单的例子,怎么能设想中央的文件是一个人搞的,怎么能设想一两个人就决定问题呢!那毛主席哪里去了!毛主席的领导哪里去了!你们这样想是对毛主席领导信心不足,千万不要轻信谣言,这是别有用心的人和反革命分子有意造谣,是反革命分子有意造谣有意分化我们的无产阶级司令部,我们应当说,安徽是发生了许多问题的,遇到这样的问题,我们应当清醒一点,我们手边有这样的一份材料,说是安徽合肥无产阶级革命造反总司令部九月五日送来的,也就是今天,他们讲:

亲爱的总理、伯达,康生、江青、中央文革:

现将合肥街头P派张贴的一份炮打无产阶级司令部的传单给首长……(康生念了这份传单以后说)好派同志要好好想想,P派同志是不会写这样传单,这对他们不利嘛,(这时会场高呼:毛主席万岁!誓死捍卫中央文革!)是不是好派搞的,我找他们代表谈了,他们也不同意,当然啦,好派代表团的同志也可能不会写这样的传单,我觉得这个传单不是在阜阳写的,是在北京搞的,因为这个人很清楚我的工作,他知道我在解决河南问题,这封信不要念了,意见就是说,我对严光很了解,因为严光是个大炮,我看严光不是大炮,他很沉着。(会场上高呼口号:打倒严光!严光罪该万死!)我看也不是罪该万死吧。这个东西(指传单)不是对我个人怎么样,而是企图动摇、分裂我们以毛主席为首的司令部,传单上讲的有些神龙活现,好象真的一样。同志们,你们看看,敌人用了多么毒辣的手段,我相信革命群众是不会搞这个的,是一小撮坏人搞的,他们围绕着中央对《九条》问题,企图把《九条》推翻,混水摸鱼,达到他们不可告人的目的,达到他们反革命的目的,还有一个材料,是××军军长李德生同志八月二十五日在合肥的时候发来的电报说:六四○八部队进驻安徽以后,很警惕地发现了安徽省有一股抵制和反对《九条》的逆流,还有公开攻击中央文革同志的传单、大字报,讲什么《九条》不是高举毛泽东思想伟大红旗的,是长资产阶级保皇小丑的威风……这样的大字报很多,你们在北京开会期间,北京偏僻的地方也有,六四○八部队同志讲,直到最近和好派不少组织接近时,还发现他们流露出对《九条》不理解,有抵触不满情绪。《九条》是经毛主席,林副主席批准的,解放军还是久经锻炼的,一看就知道了,同志们想想,谁敢冒名中央发指示,谁敢不经主席指示发文件,不要党籍了,那才真是罪该万死了,我就不敢,我还要党籍嘛。所以,刚才讲拥护六四○八部队就必须拥护他们这样的态度,不能因为六四○八部队采取这个态度就不拥护。六四○八部队只能采取这个态度,不能动摇,不能有其他。我们对六四○八部队应该相信和依靠,

第五期《红旗》杂志社论里边,对解放军的态度讲得很清楚了。就是在某一种具体情况下,解放军同志到那里不了解情况的时候,这些人一下子就把他们需要讲的话,要搞的材料送到解放军那个地方,制造混乱,军队的同志是活学活用主席著作最好的,他们最注意调查研究,我们也必须把话讲清楚,把情况向解放军同志反映明白,把实际情况多向解放军同志讲一讲。解放军是毛主席亲手缔造的军队,他们一直是坚决支持左派的,这是毫无疑问的。就是不管怎样挑动,只要我们警惕了的话,恐怕他们的狐狸尾巴很快就暴露出来。我们如果不警惕,我们就要上当,就会走到对解放军抵触的地步。如果革命的群众组织与解放军有了抵触,他们的文章就好做了,他们的日子就好过了。他们最怕革命组织、革命群众和解放军结合起来。革命组织和解放军结合起来,那么力量就大了,他们就没有翻身的那一天了!所以,在这方面,解放军介入以后,有些人从中挑拨。我们一定要在这方面清醒一些,警惕这个问题,不要上他们的当。只有这样,我们才能把革命的“三结合”和无产阶级革命派大联合搞好,能够把我们无产阶级文化大革命搞好。在当前不管他搞什么鬼,不管逆流多么厉害,我看在山东来讲很快就会打下去,没有什么了不起。

(根据录音记录整理,标题系编者所加)



来源:中共中央办公厅文件:中发(67)310号,一九六七年十月六日;

以及群众组织刊行的报纸。
  
  
  

 
 
顶端 Posted: 2009-02-06 13:03 | 1 楼
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